My Lords, I start by paying tribute to Corporal Christopher Gill, who lost his life in a training exercise a few days ago. He made an enormous contribution to defence, including to Operation Interflex. Our thoughts are with his family.
We are fast approaching the third winter of Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine. There is no weaking of the resolve of everyone in this Parliament, across all parties, and of the British people to see this through with our allies. It will be the third winter in which the extraordinary Ukrainian people are fighting to defend their homes and families and fighting for the right to exist as a free and sovereign nation. It will be the third winter of war that Putin did not plan for when he attacked Kyiv two and a half years ago. His blitzkrieg offence, which quickly turned into a retreat, has evolved into a deadly and dystopian meat-grinder tactic, where 20th century trenches meet 21st century drones and a medieval mentality.
On average, more than 1,100 Russians have been killed or wounded each day since May, many from poor, provincial backgrounds. In total, there are likely to have been around 675,000 Russian casualties, either killed or injured. Confidential payment records obtained by the BBC show that 17,000 Russian prisoners died in the assaults on Bakhmut over a 12-month period. Putin’s tactics demonstrate his complete disregard for human life, whether Ukrainian or Russian. His war of imperial aggression was launched on the back of decades of internal repression that failed to stem a Russian brain drain, with hundreds of thousands of educated Russians heading into exile since the full-scale invasion.
In the other direction, it is now highly likely that the transfer and deployment of hundreds of combat troops from North Korea to Russia has begun. This return of big-state warfare in Europe has been a twin attack on the Ukrainian people and on the global, rules-based international system. Ukrainians have endured rape and pillage, bombardment and occupation, death and destruction, as Russian forces have abducted thousands of Ukrainian children and cynically targeted civilian infrastructure to use the winter as a weapon of war.
Putin’s war is also a sustained attack on the UN charter and the rules and norms that underpin our security and prosperity. That is why Russia must lose and be seen to lose, because global security is indivisible. What happens in Ukraine has an impact around the world, in the same way as what happens in the Indo-Pacific has an impact on global security. It is in no one’s interests to let a violation of territorial integrity stand, and that is why the front line in Ukraine is also the front line of UK and European security.
That is also why we—all of us—will continue to do everything we can to help Ukraine prevail. Ukraine has repeatedly demonstrated great ingenuity to stay in this long war: the miliary ingenuity to hit supply lines deep in Russia, with its next-generation drone capabilities; the ingenuity to stake out a buffer zone in Kursk, which might yet prove to be an act of great diplomatic ingenuity; the ingenuity to force the Russian fleet out of the western Black Sea, although, regretfully, as noble Lords will have seen, Russian missiles have struck several commercial vessels this month; and the miliary ingenuity not only to push the much larger Russian force out of more than half the land it originally seized but largely to hold that line ever since. While Russia’s advances are generally measured in metres rather than miles, I do not seek to downplay the strain on Ukraine’s front-line forces or the military challenges it faces, particularly as Russia’s recruitment gets more desperate and its forces now openly admit to using riot control agents, a chemical weapon, on the battlefield.
Before the Minister finishes his excellent speech, will he tell us the Government’s policy on allowing long-range missiles for strikes further inside Russia?
The policy with respect to Storm Shadow remains the same. Russia knows that Ukraine has a right to self-defence, and that is within that principle and conforms to international humanitarian law. That is the policy as it stands, and there has been no change to that policy as we speak in this debate.
As I was saying, cross-party parliamentary support has been important and has led to the UK imposing some of the toughest sanctions ever seen on Russia. With more than 1,800 individuals and entities sanctioned since the full-scale invasion, locking over $400 billion away from the Russian state, the equivalent of four years more funding for their illegal invasion. To give those sanctions sharper teeth, the Government recently launched a new unit to enhance compliance and punish companies and individuals that fail to comply.
Noble Lords will know that Putin is responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people. He is facing charges from the International Criminal Court for war crimes, and his forces have committed many atrocities that shake the soul of our shared humanity. Putin’s willingness to lower the bar, from hitting hospitals and homes and targeting energy infrastructure, to the mass deportation of Ukrainian children and the use of chemical weapons, makes Ukraine’s resolve all the more remarkable. The UK will do everything we can to ensure that Ukraine’s allies mirror that resolve. There will be discussions, as the noble Lord, Lord Carlile, says, but let us remember that we remain united in our resolve to tackle the illegal invasion of Ukraine.
As economists warn that Putin’s prolonged campaign and increasingly hungry wartime economy are unsustainable and will increasingly hurt Russia’s poorest people, democracies must recommit to thwarting Putin’s plans in order to outline our collective interest and resolve. If Putin prevails in Ukraine, he will not stop there. If autocratic states are allowed to redraw international boundaries by force, the sovereignty and security of all nations is undermined.
My Lords, as the Minister said, this is an exceptionally important debate. I thank him for bringing it to the House and for his excellent speech, which we can agree with in totality. Before I start, I should say that I am particularly looking forward to the maiden speech of the noble Lord, Lord Spellar, which we will hear later.
I reiterate what noble Lords said from the opposite side before the election: these Benches are fully behind the Government’s position on Ukraine. I paraphrase the noble Lord, Lord Collins of Highbury, from a debate before the election, in saying that this House’s unity in that support is an important element of the United Kingdom’s position. The situation in Ukraine is concerning. Noble Lords agree, I am sure, that we must stand firm with Ukraine.
I join the Minister in sending condolences to the family and friends of Corporal Christopher Gill, who lost his life during a recent training exercise. He served this country for 13 years, and served it well.
We have seen some developments in the conflict in Ukraine. I share His Majesty’s Government’s concerns in relation to North Korea. Putin has called the UK’s support for Ukraine “escalatory action” numerous times but, this week, we have seen a real escalation in Russia’s illegal invasion. Let us be in no doubt: this agreement between Putin and Kim Jong-un is a threat to democracy in the West and is yet further proof, as the Minister said, that Ukraine is fighting not only in its own defence but in the defence of Europe.
Russia has already procured munitions and ballistic missiles from North Korea. The transfer of these weapons in the first place was not only completely unacceptable but a deliberate violation of the UN sanctions that Russia itself voted for. We know that the transfer of North Korean weapons, and now the threat of combat troops, is an act of desperation demonstrating weakness, not strength, on Putin’s part. We must not be deterred. We must do the right thing and continue to stand shoulder to shoulder with Ukraine.
My Lords, from these Benches, I associate myself with the comments of the noble Lord, Lord Coaker, and the noble Earl, Lord Courtown. As a country, we have stood united to support Ukraine for almost three years. As the Secretary of State said in the other place just three days ago, we were then on day 973 since the illegal invasion of eastern Ukraine. Now, it is day 976.
It is often suggested that Ukraine’s war is our war. I suspect that most noble Lords across the Chamber will echo those sentiments today. I also suspect that one or two will suggest that we need to take a slightly different approach, but it is very important that all three main parties stand united in our support of Ukraine. I very much echo the Secretary of State’s remark that the Ukrainians are fighting to regain their sovereignty, but they are also fighting to protect the peace, democracy and security of all of us.
The context of today’s debate is a war that has been ongoing for nearly three years, but one that seems no longer to be hitting the headlines. We do not hear what is happening on a day-by-day basis, but the brave Ukrainians have continued to fight for their sovereignty, to defend their territory and to fight for freedom and democracy. We should pay tribute to them.
I associate these Benches with the tribute paid to Corporal Christopher Gill and the service he gave. May he rest in peace.
The diplomacy that has taken place over the past few months, and which the noble Lord, Lord Coaker, discussed, has been vital. The work of NATO, the G7 Defence Ministers and the European Foreign Affairs Council is important, as is the sense that we stand together. We on these Benches very much welcome the decisions taken by the G7 to provide further financial support to Ukraine and to use the interest on the frozen Russian assets—which, I point out, was called for by my noble friend Lord Purvis of Tweed back in January, so he is particularly grateful. Obviously, those decisions are very important.
My Lords, this has been a difficult year for Ukraine, with a shortage of weapons and personnel hampering its efforts to deal with the grinding war of attrition that Russia is pursuing, but we should not assume that all the pressures are on the Ukrainian side. The appearance of North Korean soldiers in the conflict and the widening of the pool of prisoners from which Russia seeks to recruit soldiers for the front line underscore the difficulties that Putin is facing. The FCDO says that these difficulties will reach crisis proportions by the end of 2025 and beginning of 2026. The question is how Ukraine is to stay in the fight until then. For Ukraine to stay in the fight, Europe—and ideally the United States—must stay in the fight. In both regions, however, there are signs of growing war-weariness and a desire to end the conflict, whatever it takes. This would be a disastrous mistake. To illustrate the point, let me explore the logical consequences of some kind of near-term settlement.
First, what would be the instrument through which such a settlement would be given effect? Presumably it would be in the form of an international agreement signed by both sides, but we have been there before and have seen only too clearly how little Putin regards or respects such agreements. The moment he feels they constrain his ambitions, he casts them aside without a second thought. Any piece of paper to which he puts his name would have about as much value as the one that Neville Chamberlain waved in front of the cameras at Heston aerodrome in 1938. In fact, neither side would be satisfied with an outcome that left the other in control of part of Ukraine. Putin would simply pursue his assault on his neighbour by undercover means, while the Ukrainians would do the same in an effort to regain their lost territory, until open fighting eventually broke out again—unless there was some kind of security guarantee involving the employment of western military power in the event of a breach of the agreement. That would involve a far greater risk of direct conflict between Russia and NATO than currently exists and is therefore unlikely to be acceptable. In that event, a near-term agreement would not end the conflict at all.
My Lords, it is a sad truth that as wars go on, public attention often dissipates. I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Coaker, and other noble Lords for reminding us that while coverage of the war in Ukraine has waned, daily suffering there has not, so our moral responsibility continues.
While others have focused on this responsibility in terms of military support, I would like to take the opportunity to reflect on another very important and positive aspect of our response to the war, in the hope that the new Government will build on its successes. As noble Lords will be aware, the Ukraine family scheme and the Ukraine sponsorship scheme, set up in March 2022, were two of the only legal routes for people seeking asylum in the UK. More than 200,000 visas were issued to Ukrainians, and thousands of families from across the political spectrum offered their homes to those fleeing the war.
So heated and polarised has the debate around asylum become in the intervening years that it is worth remembering how generously the public responded to the Homes for Ukraine scheme. Polling from March 2023 found that 71% of Britons believed that it was a good thing that the UK had taken in more than 150,000 Ukrainian refugees by that time. Only 16% disagreed. In research by More in Common, the majority of host families also reported positive experiences: nearly nine in 10 said that they were glad that they took part in the scheme. Not only did most hosts say that they were willing to continue accommodating refugees from Ukraine, but many said that they would be happy to host an Afghan refugee who would otherwise be living in a hotel.
As a result of this hospitality, many Ukrainians successfully integrated into British society. By April this year, for example, around 70% of working-age Ukrainian refugees were in employment—a higher rate than typically seen in other refugee groups—and two-thirds are fluent or can speak a good amount of English. Integration in this case did not mean assimilation. Ukrainian churches and cultural organisations held events and celebrations enabling refugees to maintain a connection to their homeland, as well as build friendships across social supports.
My Lords, I welcome this important and timely debate to demonstrate, once again, the United Kingdom’s steadfast support for Ukraine. I warmly welcome the tone and substance of the detailed introduction by the Minister—the noble Lord, Lord Coaker. I align myself totally with what he said so powerfully and the words of my noble friend Lord Courtown and the noble Baroness, Lady Smith. I also acknowledge the wise words and wisdom, insights and expertise of the noble and gallant Lord, Lord Stirrup. A bit of learning for Ministers: listening to him was something that I found extremely beneficial. I associate myself, as have others, with the condolences expressed to the family of Corporal Gill.
I also look forward to the maiden speech of the noble Lord, Lord Spellar. The noble Lord and I have known each other for a very long time. We were in different Houses until recently and remain in different parties, but we share many insights into the world stage and he will bring great expertise and knowledge to the field of international affairs.
I also express my gratitude and take this opportunity to put on record the work undertaken by my dear friend the former Foreign Minister of Ukraine, His Excellency Dmytro Kuleba, who recently left office. We had our first meeting back in 2019, before Russia’s illegal invasion but, when this tragic war began, we co-ordinated our activities as he ably, consistently and passionately made the case for countries to stand with Ukraine, as we are demonstrating again today. He discharged his duties, notwithstanding the challenges and pressures he faced, with devotion, dedication and —importantly for a diplomat—a deep sense of calm. I am sure I speak for all in your Lordships’ House who wish him well in his future endeavours.
I will focus specifically on the United Kingdom’s support for victims of sexual violence in this conflict. I had the honour to lead this agenda for the last seven years and, during this time, the UK has shown clear leadership. I met many survivors across the world, indeed survivors of sexual violence from Ukraine. Those, like me, who hear these experiences feel the shock of their testimony turn to sheer awe and admiration for their immense courage and resilience.
My Lords, after that warm welcome from the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad, I cannot wait to hear myself speak.
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Alongside Ukraine’s military ingenuity, President Zelensky has also shown great diplomatic skill and statecraft, repeatedly rallying western allies into giving the support that his country and forces need to stay in the fight. Most recently, he toured US and European capitals to outline his victory plan. He has had no greater ally than this Government, both now and in the past. Earlier this month, the Prime Minister welcomed President Zelensky back to No. 10 to discuss the vital support that his nation needs to make his victory plan a reality. The Prime Minister discussed that with President Biden, President Macron and Chancellor Scholz in Germany last week.
That was but the latest conversation in a summer of diplomacy, stretching from the Washington NATO summit and the meeting of the European Political Community in Blenheim Palace in July to countless visits to European capitals. That culminated last week in the meetings of NATO and G7 Defence Ministers and the EU Foreign Affairs Council in Luxembourg, which was the first time in more than two years that the UK has had a presence in that conversation. These are the latest steps of a crucial diplomatic marathon to give Ukraine the support and military assets that it needs, with the provision of multiple weapons and weapon systems provided as quickly as we can. We are learning lessons about the need for stockpiles and the future of miliary tactics, to strengthen us against the various diplomatic, military, intelligence and industrial threats that make up this tapestry of European security.
That is important, because regardless of who wins the US election, it is pretty clear that a new US President will be looking towards European NATO allies to step up and to take greater responsibility for European security, and for giving Ukraine more of the military capabilities it needs to defeat Russia.
We all know how grave the costs can be when aggression is met by hesitation. Only this year, we were reminded of that when we marked 80 years since Europeans faced down Hitler’s imperial tyranny. It was Clement Attlee who forged NATO from the shrapnel of that attack on European values to deliver ironclad deterrence for generations to come. Today, that defensive alliance, through all Governments since that time, remains the cornerstone of European and global security. It has been bolstered by the accession of Sweden and Finland, which represents a huge strategic own goal by Putin. The Prime Minister recently met with the new NATO Secretary-General to reaffirm the Government’s NATO-first approach and outline how we are stepping up military aid to Ukraine.
On Tuesday, the Chancellor announced an innovative and significant new funding stream. We are committing more than £2.25 billion under the extraordinary revenue acceleration loans for Ukraine scheme, which is money generated from the interest on seized Russian assets and part of a larger £50 billion loan package from G7 countries for Ukraine’s war effort, economy and reconstruction.
On top of this, the Prime Minister has committed to President Zelensky that the UK will provide £3 billion of military support every year for as long as it is necessary. On day two in office, the Defence Secretary travelled to Ukraine to speed up the delivery of that support. Since the election, we have gifted a range of equipment to strengthen Ukraine’s air defences and boost its fighting power, from tens of millions of rounds of ammunition, anti-armour Brimstone missiles and lightweight multi-role air defence missiles, to demining vehicles and AS90 artillery guns.
At the ministerial meeting of the Ukraine defence contact group in Ramstein in September, the Defence Secretary announced that the UK would extend Operation Interflex until at least the end of 2025, the UK-based multinational training programme that has already trained more than 48,000 members of the Ukrainian armed forces.
Over the course of its full-scale invasion, Russia has launched over 1,000 attacks on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure. In response, we have provided over £370 million to bolster Ukraine’s energy security and resilience through grant-in-kind support and loan guarantees, which includes £40 million for essential repairs and equipment this year alone, which will help the Ukrainians through the winter and beyond. We should pay tribute at this point to the steadfastness of the Ukrainian population in the face of what they have suffered.
In the spring, we saw the impacts of US military support getting bogged down on Capitol Hill. Stagnation in supplies and delivery serves only Russian interests. So, as Ukraine works to ramp up its indigenous production capacity, we are doing all we can to ensure that the UK defence industrial sector plays a prominent role, with the Defence Secretary hosting a meeting between President Zelensky and UK industry leaders in July and signing a defence industrial support treaty with the Ukrainian Defence Minister worth £3.5 billion, and with the Minister for Armed Forces speaking at the International Defence Industries Forum in Ukraine earlier this month.
In addition to our military, political and industrial support, the Government are determined to use sanctions to impose a heavy price on Putin and his enablers for his war, and we are determined to give existing sanctions greater bite. At the Blenheim Palace meeting in the summer, over 40 European leaders signed our call to action, agreeing—importantly—to crack down on Russia’s shadow fleet of oil tankers that transport Russian oil to third countries in order to undermine sanctions. The UK has since sanctioned 43 oil tankers, disrupting their freedom to operate, barring them from UK ports and leaving them unable to access British maritime services. Earlier this month, the Foreign Secretary also sanctioned Russian soldiers and officials behind the use of chemical weapons.
Cross-party parliamentary support, the work of previous Ministers and the previous Government, as well as ourselves, which continues, has led to the UK imposing some of the toughest sanctions ever seen on Russia—
That is why we are maintaining the constant drum beat of international diplomacy and military aid in support of Ukraine. It is why any just and sustainable peace for Ukraine needs to reflect the principles of the UN charter—principles to which the international community has signed up and which even the BRICS Kazan Summit declaration called to be upheld. It is why we are getting behind Ukraine’s victory plan, and working with our European, NATO and other democratic allies to ensure that they get behind it too. This winter, the values and freedoms that the Ukrainians are fighting for are the ones that underpin every democracy. The security that Ukraine is fighting for underpins the security of our entire continent and that of the rules-based order across the world.
Freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law are at stake. They are worth standing up for, as they always have been, and as this country has always done. This country, with our allies across Europe and beyond, will be at the forefront of that struggle for as long as it takes. I beg to move.
The previous Government took decisive action to help constrain the transfer of weapons between North Korea and Russia. We imposed sanctions on the arms-for-oil trade between Russia and North Korea, including asset freezes, travel bans and transport sanctions. In turn, the new Government have responded appropriately to this new threat. Can the Minister confirm what further steps His Majesty’s Government are taking to support Ukraine in the face of this new threat?
Given the need to continue providing further military capability to Ukraine, we welcome Monday’s announcement that the UK will contribute £2.26 billion to the G7’s Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration loan scheme for Ukraine. The Conservative Government were a vocal advocate for mobilising frozen Russian assets to support Ukraine. We strongly welcome the additional funding. Can the Minister tell the House when exactly those funds will be made available?
In conclusion, I am sure that many in this House will have been raised on stories of the last Great War in Europe. We vowed then never to let it happen again. We must stand strong with Ukraine. I encourage His Majesty’s Government to continue the great work done by the previous Conservative Government in supporting Ukraine.
It is a particular relief to know that upwards of £2.25 billion is not coming out of the UK’s defence budget, so I do not have to ask the Minister where that money is coming from. However, I have a specific question about how Ukraine will be able to draw down that funding. Are we talking about cumulative interest that has already accrued, which Ukraine will be able to draw down as soon as the facility is in place?
Our defence support for Ukraine has been very clear. We recommit to that willingly, but in recent weeks and months the context has become ever more dangerous. We appear to be seeing an axis of authoritarian states, with Russia, North Korea, Iran and China working together in various ways. This week we saw the meeting of the BRICS in Kazan. Prime Minister Modi is in Kazan, representing India as part of the BRICS. As the leader of the largest Commonwealth state, he has chosen to be in Russia rather than Samoa, where the CHOGM is taking place. I suspect that President Putin was not unaware of the dates of the CHOGM when he decided that the BRICS meeting should be held virtually to coincide.
What assessment do His Majesty’s Government make of the decision of various Commonwealth leaders to be at the BRICS meeting rather than at the CHOGM? Could it be an opportunity for leaders such as India’s to exercise caution? One of the things that Steve Rosenberg said in an excellent report from the BRICS meeting yesterday, where he had been trying to hold President Putin to account, was that although there was a lot of economic agreement and so on among the BRICS leaders, there was a lot of opposition to the war. Do His Majesty’s Government think that this is also being put forward by Prime Minister Modi? Is there an opportunity for us to work with India to try to exercise some leverage indirectly? Russia stepping back from war would be in everybody’s interests.
Apart from the BRICS, we have the most unwelcome North Korea-Russia defence treaty and the prospect of Korean soldiers on European soil. The Korean War appeared to stop 70 years ago, but it was never formally concluded. There was never a peace agreement. Our international ally South Korea neighbours North Korea. We appear to be seeing a dangerous escalation. What assessment do His Majesty’s Government make of that? Where do we need to be giving additional support to Ukraine? We stand shoulder to shoulder with the Government. We must stand shoulder to shoulder with Ukraine. What more can and should we be doing?
Then we must consider the effect on nuclear proliferation. Whatever we might say, many would see the failure of resolve in the West as the result, at least in part, of Putin’s nuclear sabre-rattling. The message to potential aggressors would be, “Attain or retain nuclear weapons and no one will dare to stand up to you”. There is also another side to the coin. Many already regard Ukraine’s agreement in 1994 to transfer the nuclear weapons on its soil to Russia as a catastrophic mistake. Some will no doubt reflect on this and decide that they need their own nuclear deterrent, not just against other nuclear powers but against potential aggressors more widely. This could be the final nail in the coffin of counterproliferation efforts.
The impact goes beyond nuclear weapons, though. Lithuania has already voted to withdraw from the 2008 Convention on Cluster Munitions and other Baltic states are considering whether to follow this lead. This highlights the stresses within NATO and the EU that would follow any decision to make concessions to Russia. The Baltic states and Poland already—and rightly, in my view—feel threatened. Their concerns would be greatly multiplied should Russia’s aggression be seen to have succeeded even partly. If that success was as a consequence of a lack of resolve on the part of some of their western partners, they might begin to wonder where their best interests lie. RUSI has already suggested that Russian success could spell the end of NATO, at least in its present form. Nothing would delight Putin more.
More widely, Russia would certainly insist that any settlement included a restoration of its dominant position in the northern Black Sea and would very likely use this to render untenable Ukrainian grain exports through that route. Since February 2022, Ukrainian grain provision to Europe has increased from less than 2% to 50% of total exports. Meanwhile, Russia is providing grain to African nations that were supplied by Ukraine prior to the war. It is targeting those nations where it calculates that it can gain strategic influence. Its increasing use of food as a political tool will serve only to spread Russia’s malign influence more widely.
There are many other severely damaging consequences of even a limited Russian success, but time does not permit me to go into them today. I do not aim to convince either the Minister or the Government—I do not doubt their resolve—but European leaders need to do a much better job of explaining to their citizens the dire consequences that would attend a failure of nerve over Ukraine. Negotiating from a position of relative weakness would not bring an end to the conflict. It would carry huge nuclear risks, create fissures within western Europe, weaken deterrence and make a wider war more rather than less likely. It would leave our children and grandchildren a fearful legacy for which they would surely and rightly condemn us.
For example, Sofia, a young ambassador for the Children’s Commissioner, who was 15 when the war broke out, said:
“I felt the incredible support from the British people when I arrived, and I am very grateful for it. I was very pleasantly surprised because the caring British people were able to unite the Ukrainians into one big local community who also came to England as refugees. Thanks to the British people, we were able to find both English and Ukrainian friends”.
This is an example of interculturalism, which is, in my view, the most promising way forward for a diverse Britain, recognising and giving space for different cultural expressions such that we can learn from one another and live well together, rather than in homogeneous silos.
This kind of integration does not happen by accident. Funding from local authorities, and support from schools, universities and community groups played a role. So did political rhetoric and editorial angles. Choosing to speak compassionately about Ukrainian refugees and focusing on the kindness of families hosting them created the opportunity for refugees to discover how to be both Ukrainian and British—to begin healing from the trauma of war and displacement, and to start building a new life that honours the old.
None of this is to imply that the Ukraine scheme has been without challenges, but those are for another debate. Rather, it is to pose the question of why this is not the norm. If the major political parties and the general public see this as the right response to an outbreak of war, and if we are able both to give people in desperate need a new start and to benefit from their skills, why only Ukraine? Why not make this the model for a sustainable way of welcoming all refugees seeking sanctuary in the UK?
In Ukraine, our support for these brave survivors of sexual violence has spanned several areas. From investigations and accountability, the UK has supported efforts to ensure, both through the FCDO and the MoJ, that we work closely on financial and technical assistance, including support to the International Criminal Court. On training and capacity building, the UK offered specialist training for local and international organisations, involving documenting and addressing sexual violence. Of course, in the area of humanitarian aid, the UK has contributed aid specifically to support victims of sexual violence, including psychological and social medical services.
In this regard, I pay tribute to the First Lady of Ukraine, Olena Zelenska. I worked closely with her for many years, as we sought to see how the UK could best support these courageous survivors. In the multilateral space, the UK again worked resolutely with Ukraine on resolutions. I recall the launching of the Murad code at the UN Security Council in April 2022, a gold standard for Governments and NGOs on collecting and protecting evidence to ensure justice for the victims of sexual violence. In the hours before the launch of this important code, we worked at breakneck speed to ensure that it would be available in the Ukrainian language. The previous Government also worked extremely closely with the Office of the Prosecutor General, as we sought to build the infrastructure and systems to ensure that accountability would be possible and perpetrators held to account.
In providing this brief summary, I look to the Minister—the noble Baroness, Lady Chapman—for her ironclad commitment that our support for Ukraine in this important area of protecting and supporting victims of sexual violence is upheld. Perhaps some of the additional financing that has been announced can be allocated to some of the initiatives that I have underlined. Will she share with your Lordships’ House what meetings have been held with Ukrainian interlocutors on this important agenda since the Labour Party entered government?
The Minister is aware that, in November 2022, the UK hosted the international conference of PSVI. I launched and was honoured to serve as the first chair of the international alliance. There are 26 members; Colombia currently chairs and Ukraine will take over in 2025. I would welcome an update on the progress made to support Ukraine in this regard as well. The Minister may expect this, but we are now four months into the term of the new Government, so I implore her to take forward the announcement of the appointment of the Prime Minister’s special representative on preventing sexual violence in conflict.
The noble Lord, Lord Coaker, referred to the recent BRICS summit hosted by Russia and the senior level of engagement there. What assessment have His Majesty’s Government made of the role that we can play in the delivery of President Zelensky’s 10-point peace plan as the framework and foundation to ending this tragic war in Europe?