Sudan: US Determination of Genocide

(Urgent Question): To ask the Minister for International Development for a statement following the United States’ determination of genocide in Sudan.

I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for bringing this important urgent question to the House, and to you, Mr Speaker, for granting it.

The evidence of abhorrent atrocities against civilians in Darfur is mounting. I am appalled by reports from the UN fact-finding mission, including those referring to acts of murder, mutilation, sexual violence and torture committed by warring parties. Such despicable acts are completely unacceptable. As we have discussed previously in this Chamber, the situation in Sudan is the worst humanitarian disaster anywhere in the world. The UK has pledged millions in lifesaving aid to Sudan and the wider region, and we are clear that this aid must be able to reach those in need unimpeded.

On the precise question raised by the right hon. Gentleman, the long-standing position of successive British Governments is that it is for the courts to decide whether genocide has occurred. While the UK therefore takes a different approach to genocide determination from that of the US, we condemn what is happening in the strongest terms. Irrespective of any genocide determination, it is clear that atrocities have been committed in this conflict and that those responsible must be held to account.

We strongly support the International Criminal Court’s active investigation into the situation in Darfur, including allegations of crimes committed since April 2023. This support has included the secondment of expert investigators to support the ICC’s work in a number of countries, including Sudan. Since the outbreak of the conflict in 2023, the UK has frozen the assets of nine commercial entities linked to the rapid support forces—the RSF—and the Sudanese armed forces, the SAF. On 8 November last year, the UN Security Council also sanctioned two RSF commanders involved in perpetrating ethnically motivated atrocities. There is a long-standing UK arms embargo in place for Sudan, as well as a UN arms embargo on Darfur. The UK worked closely with the US to renew the UN regime on 11 September 2024. The UK has also led the establishment of the independent fact-finding mission at the Human Rights Council, and funds the Centre for Information Resilience to collect evidence of abuse and support accountability efforts.

In conclusion, we are determined to do all we can, as the UK, to work with others to press the warring parties to abide by international law and to protect civilians, collecting information, promoting prevention and ensuring accountability.

My purpose today is not to criticise the Government but to urge them to do more on what is without doubt the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. I wish not to detain the House on the high politics of the region, but to focus on the unspeakable suffering of the Sudanese civilians, who for almost two years have borne the brunt of the most appalling violence perpetrated by the two warring factions. Today, 25 million people need urgent humanitarian assistance, with over 8 million internally displaced and a further 3 million seeking refuge in Chad, Egypt, Eritrea and Ethiopia.

Above all, we face the unconscionable situation where a horrific famine looms over millions of people, which will lead unbearably to hundreds of thousands of women, children and men starving to death before our eyes. And if that is not enough, the violence perpetrated by the RSF—particularly, but not only, in Darfur—is explicitly identity-based, involving the targeting of black African tribes such as the Masalit and Zaghawa. Right now in El Fasher, Darfur, over 500,000 civilians face siege and the triple threat of identity-based mass violence, armed conflict and famine.

Last week, the US Secretary of State, Tony Blinken, called these horrors out for what they are: genocide. His determination is surely the clarion call for the UK, as the penholder on Sudan at the United Nations, to confront genocide and crimes against humanity in Sudan. Will the Minister set out the Government’s approach to atrocity crimes in Sudan? Will she consider funding Adama Dieng’s office as the African Union special adviser on the prevention of genocide?

Many of us have long warned that Sudan is the forgotten crisis. I saw this for myself on the border between Chad and Darfur last year. It has come to pass that the world’s neglect has allowed appalling crimes to thrive. Now, more than ever, it is time for British international leadership to shine the spotlight, to prick the world’s conscience and to bend every sinew of our capabilities to bring this indescribable horror to an end.

I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for his commitment to this issue, which I know is shared by many Members from every party in this House. We are determined to do something about these appalling events, and I am grateful for the passion and determination with which he rightly speaks.

The right hon. Gentleman talks about the dreadful violence unfolding in Sudan and the humanitarian situation. Since he and I last spoke in this place, the integrated food security phase classification was determined, on Christmas eve. It makes for truly terrible reading to see that five areas of Sudan are now classified as being in famine.

The right hon. Gentleman talks about the need for political leadership, which this new Government are determined to deliver at every level, from the Prime Minister down. The Foreign Secretary has prioritised this issue, as have I and the Minister for Africa. I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman saw that we, along with Sierra Leone, were determined to press the critical issue of protecting civilians at the Security Council. We were appalled that Russia decided to exercise its veto, as it absolutely should not have done, because this is an issue where human suffering is seen in such appalling relief.

The right hon. Gentleman asks about the UK’s work on atrocity prevention. I have talked about our work on the fact-finding mission. I was pleased to see the additional support from African countries when the mission was renewed. The UK has worked on this with the African Union, and we continue to do so. I raised this when I met the African Union in Addis Ababa.

Finally, the right hon. Gentleman talks about the need for this crisis not to be forgotten. We are determined to ensure that we use every mechanism available to us—bilateral, multilateral, within this Chamber and beyond—to raise the profile of this issue, and to ensure that the UK does what it can. Of course, we have doubled our aid to Sudan, reflecting this appalling crisis.

At this hour, the situation is horrendous, with 6.9 million people at risk of gender-based violence and 75% of children out of school. The US also announced new sanctions when it made the announcement. Will the Government review their sanctions policy, in relation both to the perpetrating networks on the ground and to the enablers abroad?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising the matter of conflict-related sexual violence in Sudan, and for the work that she and others have undertaken on it. We had a debate on this subject in Westminster Hall last week, which raised the horrendous reports coming from Sudan about the impact on women and girls. She talks about the number of children who are out of school, and her figure probably includes informal schooling. It appears that around 90% of children in Sudan are out of formal schooling, which is terrible for them both right now and into the future. They really should be in school, and we will always ensure that we do what we can to ensure accountability. Our sanctions policy is always under review but we do not talk about the details in the Chamber, because to do so would reduce their effectiveness.

I call the shadow Foreign Secretary.

I am grateful to my right hon. Friend the Member for Sutton Coldfield (Mr Mitchell) for securing this important urgent question. It is right that we take seriously the fact that the US Administration have made a genocide determination in respect of Sudan and imposed what they call “accountability measures”. As the Minister has recognised, we have a distinct mechanism for determining genocide and it is right that the Government stand by that.

Notwithstanding that, we recognise that the US’s decision is designed to confront the abhorrent brutality that the world is witnessing against the innocent people of Sudan, with appalling atrocities, as we have heard already, committed against civilians and completely unjustifiable restrictions on humanitarian aid. With millions needing urgent food assistance, Sudan is hurtling towards a man-made catastrophe of unimaginable scale. The Government need to do everything in their power to press the warring parties into a ceasefire and to hold those responsible for the atrocities to account, because red lines have been crossed in the conflict and we cannot stand by.

As the Minister knows, the Conservative Government applied a regime of sanctions on those supporting the activities of the Rapid Support Forces and the Sudanese armed forces. In the light of America’s decision, do the Government intend now to go further on sanctions and to mirror the United States? What is her strategy for trying to deter non-domestic involvement in the conflict? Do the Government intend to provide additional expertise and resources to help ensure that the perpetrators of the crimes, including those in Darfur, are brought to justice? How will we leverage our position on the UN Security Council?

On the humanitarian side, what pressure are the Government exerting to smash through what are now arbitrary obstacles blocking aid delivery? What assurances can the Minister give the House that UK aid is ending up in the right places? Finally, what assessment do the Government make of the US’s new determination?

I am grateful to the right hon. Lady for the important points she raises, and I am pleased that there is cross-party agreement on so many of these matters. I agree with her characterisation of the relationship between UK and US activity on these issues, and the fact that the UK has a distinct mechanism on determination. She talked about the fact that this is a man-made crisis, and that is absolutely right. There is nothing inevitable about the extreme suffering we see in Sudan. We call on all warring parties to cease fire and to put the needs of civilians at the forefront of their minds, rather than continuing with this appalling conflict.

The right hon. Lady asked about the actions of other nations. I and other Ministers have made it clear from the Dispatch Box that there is no reason for any other country to be engaged in Sudan, other than to provide humanitarian support; they should not be involved for any other reason.

I am pleased to see the right hon. Lady nodding.

The right hon. Lady asked about the political pushes and the mechanism we have been seeking to use. We will keep up the pressure at the UN Security Council, and the Foreign Secretary has been seeking to use that mechanism as much as possible. When we last discussed these matters, it was before the UK special representative to Sudan, Richard Crowder, was able to visit Port Sudan in December last year. I was pleased that happened as it was the first time we had had a UK delegation in Sudan since the conflict began. It is really important that we can be there to put pressure on the parties to the conflict.

As I have mentioned, we keep our sanctions under review but will not comment on future designations, for reasons that the right hon. Lady fully understands. We have been seeking to use our expertise. We are determined to do all we can to support the International Criminal Court, across a whole range of different theatres of conflict and different situations where it is active. Part of that work includes its activities in relation to Sudan.

As we have heard, the situation for women and girls is particularly severe in Sudan, with reports of gender-based violence surging, including kidnapping, forced marriage, child marriage and intimate partner violence. In fact, the UN has reported a 288% increase in the number of survivors of gender-based violence seeking its case management services. Will the Minister outline what steps we are taking to ensure that those perpetrating gender-based violence are being held to account?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising this matter. I know that she is deeply concerned about it and has experience of it from before she entered this place, as do a number of Members. She referred to some of the reports. The UN panel of experts released significant information, as we have already discussed in the House. Attacks have even taken place within special, theoretically protected areas such as camps for internally displaced people. The fact that women and girls have risked being raped within those camps, when travelling, at checkpoints and even in their own homes is truly appalling.

We must ensure that there is accountability. As I mentioned, we have been working to renew the fact-finding mission, as well as working with civil society mechanisms to collate related information from social media to ensure that it feeds into the overall picture. As in any situation where the facts need to be established, that will be critical for the accountability mechanisms, including but not limited to the ICC.

I call the Liberal Democrat spokesperson.

In three months, we will reach the second anniversary of the terrible conflict in Sudan. Can the Minister update us on the Government’s work to deliver a political process to secure a ceasefire before then, so that a civilian Administration can begin the work of reconstruction?

In the light of the judgment of the US Administration, can the Minister give the House a date by which the Government will have determined whether genocide is being committed? Last October, the right hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield (Mr Mitchell) declared on behalf of the then Government that ethnic cleansing was taking place in Sudan. What have been the consequences of that designation, and what more can the UK do to gather evidence of those crimes? As the Minister mentioned, Russia’s veto of the Security Council resolution is yet one more example of its shameful role in world affairs, but the needs of children, women and ethnic groups for protection is greater, not less, as a result. Can she outline what actions the UK is taking to secure safe zones for schools and hospitals?

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for his important questions. He is right to refer to the fact that we are approaching the second anniversary of the conflict, which has had a truly awful impact on civilians. He asked about the political mechanisms that we will use to seek a ceasefire. I referred to the first visit to Sudan by a UK delegation since the conflict began. As I also mentioned, we are seeking to use our role within the UN Security Council and our leadership of the Sudan core group within the UN Human Rights Council. On top of that, we are seeking to use every instance of bilateral and multilateral engagement to put these issues at the forefront, because we see the immensity of the suffering within Sudan.

The hon. Gentleman asked about a date for determination. I do not want to bore the House by restating the Government’s approach, which is the same as that of previous Governments, but we believe that robustness and trust in the determination of these issues are important. That means ensuring that there are effective international instruments, driven by experts. In the International Criminal Court, it is through determinations of expert lawyers, based on evidence that is internationally trusted, that decisions on such matters will be reached, including this one. He asked about evidence. I refer him to my previous remarks about the work that we have been undertaking, especially with the fact-finding mission. We will seek to do all that we can to build on that in the months to come.

I welcome the Minister’s response, and ask that the Government continue to keep the House regularly updated. As the right hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield (Mr Mitchell) said, the House should not forget this issue. In December, I met Islamic Relief, which is based in my constituency, and it gave me an update on some of the work it has been doing. It told me that at least 50 aid workers had been killed and 45 wounded since the war in Sudan started. Several aid organisations have had to suspend their work due to attacks on their staff members, and over 120 humanitarian offices have been looted. Sadly, aid workers are the first line of defence for many of the innocent civilians we are desperately trying to help in this escalating conflict. The Minister outlined the additional funding from the UK Government, but what more can she say about specific actions that the UK is taking to prevent the targeting of innocent humanitarian aid workers in Sudan?