That this House has considered security in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
It is a pleasure to serve with you in the Chair, Dr Huq, and I am pleased to introduce this debate on the issue of security, in its widest sense, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. I am very grateful to many groups and people who have sent me information and advice ahead of it. I am delighted to see the Minister in her place; I congratulate her on her appointment and look forward to her reply. I am not totally aware of how many colleagues wish to speak, but I will try to ensure that my speech is sufficiently short so that everyone is able to get in.
First of all, the DRC is almost the largest country in Africa and it certainly has the largest amount of unexploited mineral resources. The sale of mineral wealth could have made it an incredibly wealthy place by now, but it is not. It is a desperately poor and divided country. It has been my pleasure to visit the DRC on two occasions: once as an election observer in 2006 and another time on a human rights delegation to Goma and elsewhere in the east of the country, where I met many women victims of rape, which was being used as a weapon of war.
The history of the Congo is long, brutal, sad and complicated. It was not taken as a European colony until the mid-nineteenth century, when Belgium—or rather King Leopold—took over in 1885 as a result of the Congress of Berlin, which divided up Africa in the interests of European powers. The Congolese people were not represented in any way there; they were merely chattels to be fought over by the rival European powers. For the next 20 years, Leopold ran the country as his own personal fiefdom in the most brutal manner possible, and there were the most appalling abuses of human rights, with enforced rubber collectors and enforced miners, as well as the continuation of the slave trade, which had gone on for certainly the previous two centuries.
The atrocities were eventually recognised globally, partly through the work of Sir Roger Casement, a British diplomat who was later executed for his part in the Easter Rising in Ireland, and of E. D. Morel, a shipping clerk in Liverpool who observed what was going on through his company Elder Dempster. The latter eventually became a Labour MP and a Minister in the Labour Government of 1922. Before that, the global objections to Leopold’s excesses were such that the Belgian Parliament effectively nationalised the Congo and took it for itself, and it was then run as a Belgian colony until its independence in 1960. During that time, Belgian mining companies made an enormous amount of money out of the Congo and did not invest very much in its infrastructure other than in railways to take the minerals to the sea and in shipping lines to take other minerals, timber and other products down the rivers. It was very much an exploitative and extractive economy.
The right hon. Gentleman has mentioned the destructive effects and consequences of commercial organisations such as Glencore, and I think that can be traced through other commercial interests in France, Romania, Bulgaria and elsewhere. Does he acknowledge the disruptive implications of other external military forces such as the Wagner Group, which I recently encountered in north Sudan and which is prevalent in the Congo? It was once a proxy organisation of the Russian state but is of course now much more closely involved.
It is to the bedevilment of the Congo that so many proxy groups turn up there to benefit from mineral exploitation, and it is the people of the Congo who suffer. Wherever they come from, they are wrong, they should not be there and they should go. I am absolutely clear about that.
I would like to ask some questions of the Government. What relationship do they have with the Rwandan Government, and what pressure are they putting on them? Are they able to increase humanitarian aid to the DRC, particularly in relation to education of both girls and boys? I know that priority was given to girls’ education by the Department for International Development, which is now part of the Foreign Office. I supported that, but I also made the point that if we want the next generation of boys to grow up and not commit the appalling sexual violence of their parents’ generation and previous male generations, they need education as well. It is not just girls who need to be educated but boys too. What support are we able to give to MONUSCO and the important work it does there?
I would like to finish by saying,
“The legacy of injustice can only be erased through the pursuit of truth and reconciliation.”
That is another quote from Adam Hochschild. Volker Türk, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, has said:
“The insecurity is being fuelled by a seemingly impassable mountain of challenges: from large-scale corruption, to the unbridled race between multiple parties to take control and exploit the country’s wealth of natural resources, to ongoing violent land disputes.”
I will finish at this point, because I think I have taken up too much time, but I hope I managed to set out my concerns about the DRC.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Dr Huq, and I thank the right hon. Member for Islington North (Jeremy Corbyn) for securing this important debate.
Today, I stand to discuss a crisis that has persisted for decades—a crisis that has devastated lives, including the lives of many of my constituents, destroyed communities, and destabilised an entire region. I am speaking, of course, about the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The DRC is a nation of immense potential, endowed with vast natural resources, including gold, diamond, tin, tantalum and cobalt, that are essential to the global economy. However, instead of being a blessing, these resources have fuelled conflict. Armed groups, both domestic and foreign, have fought to control these resources, using the profits from illegal mining and trade to finance their operations and perpetuate violence.
The DRC has been described as a paradox—a country so rich in resources, yet so poor in terms of development and human security. For over two decades, the people of the DRC have faced unspeakable horrors, from the wars of the late 1990s and the early 2000s, which drew in multiple neighbouring countries and claimed millions of lives, to the ongoing conflicts that plague the eastern regions of North Kivu, South Kivu and Ituri.
The Congolese state has often been unable or unwilling to protect its citizens, maintain security or provide basic services, leaving communities vulnerable to violence and denying its people peace, stability and prosperity. We must confront the humanitarian consequences of this conflict. The human cost is staggering. Since the late 1990s, over 6 million people have died from conflict-related causes. Millions more have been displaced from their homes, with over 7.3 million people currently internally displaced. The violence has led to one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world today.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship for the third time this afternoon, Dr Huq, and a real pleasure to be here. I genuinely commend the right hon. Member for Islington North (Jeremy Corbyn) for leading today’s debate. His insight, knowledge, direction and contribution in the Chamber today have been exceptional, and I say that with all honesty and graciousness. He and I have many things we do not agree on, but on this we are on the same page, and I want to put that on the record. It is also a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Edmonton and Winchmore Hill (Kate Osamor) and to have heard her contribution. I thank her for that.
It is of great significance that we are discussing the security situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. My goodness, when I listened to the introduction, I realised that not everybody will know about the minerals and how important they are for companies across the world, but they are. When we have more insight into the matter, we see that its significance from a financial and world stability point of view is really quite incredible.
The importance of addressing this crisis cannot be ignored from a humanitarian and a regional stability standpoint, so it is good to be here to discuss what more we can do to offer support. My interest will always be more in the human rights issues, as I am particularly interested in that subject matter. As you and others in the Chamber will know, Dr Huq, I am also chair of the all-party parliamentary group for international freedom of religion or belief. As a Christian, I will speak up for those with Christian beliefs, those with other beliefs and those with no belief, because I believe that that is the right thing to do, and that drives me in my contributions.
I eagerly anticipate the contribution from the Minister. She is an esteemed colleague who is always insightful and who is respected by many, and I know she shares our concerns about this matter. I also look forward to hearing the contribution from the shadow Minister, the hon. Member for West Worcestershire (Dame Harriett Baldwin, who has had a deep interest in this region for a long time. I know that her contribution will be of equal importance—I say that without disrespect to anybody else—and I look forward to hearing what she has to say.
It is an honour to serve under your chairship, Dr Huq. I am grateful to the right hon. Member for Islington North (Jeremy Corbyn) for securing the debate. He came from exactly the right position at the outset: it is about seeing the context from the perspective of the most vulnerable people in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We all have our own statistics on the horror of what is going on. I have read that in 2022 more than 38,000 attacks against women and girls were reported in North Kivu province alone, and most of the women and girls were reported to be attacked by armed men and displaced men in camps for IDPs. What has been going on there is tragic.
The hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) spoke about British policy. We should think about UK policy and the difference it can make. In 2018, the Conservative Government said that more than 2 million people had been lifted out of poverty in the DRC since 2005, thanks to UK international development aid. It is good that DFID in particular had a positive effect on the Democratic Republic of the Congo, but we should also think about how sometimes our support is conditional. Aid conditionality is not always beneficial to people on the ground.
We also have to think about how we support the neighbouring countries. The sanctions imposed on Rwanda by the UK and US Governments in 2012 were very effective in halting support by the Rwandan Government for the M23 militia group. Since 2021 we have seen the re-emergence of M23, but so far there does not seem to have been quite the same effort to put the brakes on Rwandan support for M23 in the DRC.
I am conscious that we should be thinking not just about international development, for which the Minister is responsible, but about joined-up government. In April this year, the then Government defended their so-called Rwanda plan: a transfer of £380 million to Rwanda for the so-called economic transformation and integration fund. No thought at all seems to have been given to what effect the Rwandan Government were having in the DRC with their alleged sponsorship of M23: if hon. Members want evidence of that, they need only watch the BBC “Question Time” clip in which the then Home Office Minister of State revealed that he was not even aware that Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo are different countries. Very plainly, some of the thinking in the Home Office was not joined up with the thinking in the FCDO or the thinking in relation to international development.
I congratulate the right hon. Member for Islington North (Jeremy Corbyn) on securing this debate. It is so important that this Parliament shines a light on situations like this one and the situation in Sudan that we debated yesterday. It was an honour to listen to the speeches of the hon. Members for Edmonton and Winchmore Hill (Kate Osamor), for Strangford (Jim Shannon), who spoke with such passion, and for Honiton and Sidmouth (Richard Foord), who certainly articulated why this is such an important issue.
As Minister for Africa in Theresa May’s Government, I had the privilege of going to the Democratic Republic of the Congo several times. My first visit was to Kalemie on Lake Tanganyika to see how UK aid was helping children who had fled terrible situations to stay in education. I saw how important it is to keep the focus on making sure that children are educated. In Kananga, I saw that UK aid had helped build a health clinic for newborns. On a later visit, I went through Goma and to Butembo during the Ebola outbreak to see how UK aid was helping with the vaccination of so many people. The city of Goma has had its freshwater system provided by UK aid over the years.
Over many, many decades, we have recognised how important it is that we try to help those fleeing the terrible conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. I do not need to repeat that it is very worrying, because we can see how much of the population is facing food shortages as a result and how many millions of people are being displaced by the conflict. It is very disheartening to hear that in recent months the conflict and the displacement have intensified, and it is particularly distressing to hear the further reports of sexual violence.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has had a troubled history, as we heard from the right hon. Member for Islington North. It has suffered terribly. Nevertheless, it is an incredibly important place, not just for the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo but for the whole planet. With its virgin forests, it is one of the great carbon sinks of our planet. We all want to see the important natural resources getting into the supply chains legally, and to see the people who mine them being fairly rewarded for their work.
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On independence in 1960, Patrice Lumumba became the Prime Minister and made a very strong declaration of independence, including at the United Nations, but he was assassinated a few months later. The country then deteriorated into a degree of war, with the involvement of both big powers—the Soviet Union and the United States; it almost became a cold war by proxy. The background is pretty bad all around. There is not time to go into all of the history of the Congo, but I want to set the scene, with that as the background to all of the other Governments since 1961—Mobutu and others: the huge corruption that went with those and, all the time, the continuing poverty of many of the Congolese people.
The country now faces devastating levels of insecurity. Since 1996, some 6 million people have been killed in conflicts in the Congo. Just think about that figure again: 6 million have died since 1996. That is barely mentioned; we would have to dig hard to find any reference to the Congo in most of the world’s media.
Issues of illegal mining and mass displacement continue, with more than 7 million people being displaced in the eastern region alone. There are also endemic diseases such as mpox, malaria, tuberculosis and cholera, and the limited hospitals and health services are overwhelmed. There is food insecurity, malnutrition, gender-based violence, and a lack of access to clean water and necessities. There are very large numbers of refugees, either internally displaced or in Angola or other neighbouring countries.
We are looking at a very serious situation. There are more than 100 armed groups fighting for control of natural resources in the eastern region, most notably the M23 movement—Mouvement du 23 mars—which is financially backed by and has received training from Rwanda and other Governments. More than a third of the children of the Congo have no school to go to.
That is the background, which I wanted to summarise before I go into more detail. I will take a quote from Adam Hochschild’s brilliant book, “King Leopold’s Ghost”:
“On the whole continent, perhaps no nation has had a harder time than the Congo in emerging from the shadow of its past.”
He wrote that some time ago, but it still applies today. We have issues to deal with, with the conflict that got worse and was heightened during the Rwanda genocide of 1994.
Basically, the DRC is both blessed and cursed with an abundance of natural resources. That includes cobalt, coltan, diamonds, copper, tin and gold, as well as the other, more obvious natural resource of vast amount of timber from one of the world’s largest and most pristine rainforests. I once took a flight from Goma to Kinshasa, and we were flying seemingly for hours just over forest. It is incredibly beautiful—pristine and beautiful—but then we look underneath it and we see the levels of poverty and malnutrition. I think the Opposition spokesperson, the hon. Member for West Worcestershire (Dame Harriett Baldwin), has probably also taken the same journey and had the same experiences.
The minerals taken from the Congo are the main factor in the present conflict. Congo has 70% of the world’s cobalt reserves. Cobalt is essential to almost every lithium-ion rechargeable battery, such as those used in phones and laptops, as well as in innovations such as solar power, which we see as necessary to deal with climate change. Therefore, our mobile phones and so much else are actually run with minerals that come from the Congo. In fact, much of the western economy simply could not work without the minerals that the Congo is forced to export. The armed rebel groups that have terrorised much of the country are actually usually involved in the mineral trade in some way or another. We have to face up to these issues.
Only two days ago, for example, the Congolese Government buried 200 internally displaced people who had died in various camps around Goma in North Kivu. They died in different circumstances, usually from hunger and diseases, but sometimes from violence. There has been heavy fighting between the Congolese army and the armed groups and the World Health Organisation has now declared mpox an epidemic in Africa.
A brief ceasefire in the summer was extended until August. There are, however, allegations of violations, and the situation in North Kivu remains very volatile indeed. The continuation of the ceasefire agreement signed in Luanda under Angola’s auspices, between the DRC and Rwanda, is significant. I hope the Minister will be able to shed some light on the possibility of that ceasefire being made permanent and of the establishment of an accountable force that could control what is at present a dangerous situation.
The resolution also authorised the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to continue operating in the eastern DRC, where it has been for quite a long time. Although the UN missions in the Congo have a rather chequered history, and are not universally popular there, most people recognise that without a UN mission life would be even worse than it is at present. This is the country that has suffered the worst sexual violence in war of almost any country in the world—a terrible thing to have to say. The number of victims of sexual violence is absolutely huge.
I have never forgotten arriving in Goma on a human rights visit with a colleague from Parliament. We arrived in the evening; it was more or less dark when we got there. We went to a refugee centre that was entirely populated by women who were victims of rape. They said, “Thank you for coming. It is great you are here. You are welcome. Thank you for telling the world about the plight we are in. Can you now give a speech to us?” What on earth can a western European man say to a meeting of 500 or 1,000 women, all of whom were victims of rape and many of whom had been made pregnant because of the rape they had suffered? What can we say to them other than that we want to give them all the support and comfort possible and try to understand the horror of their situation? Rape is being used as a weapon of war.
The health concerns are serious and getting worse. As Ebola, mpox, covid and others have shown, health concerns are impossible to isolate. If one part of the world suffers from a serious contagious disease, every part of the world is at risk because of the levels of transport and communication we now have. It is in everybody’s interest to provide healthcare and health support to the people of the Congo to get through the epidemics that they are facing. An act of charity it may be; an act of necessity it certainly is.
I turn to the future. Education in the Congo for most children is non-existent. For those who can get to schools, the schools are very limited. For many years the teachers have been paid sometimes, but sometimes not. Most of the education is done via the Church, but many children are simply not receiving any education at all. Again, that is in a country with vast mineral resources through which vast profits are being made all around the world. Those children are not getting an education, and too many become involved in the next thing I will talk about: illegal mining and the export of its products.
Conveniently, the products of the illicit and illegal mining in the Congo miraculously appear in another country, such as Rwanda or somewhere else. Those products are bought by global mining corporations, such as Glencore and others, and then appear on the world market, ending up in our mobile phones and batteries. Children as young as five are often forced to work in brutal conditions. In his very good book, “Cobalt Red: How the Blood of the Congo Powers Our Lives”, Siddharth Kara writes:
“As of 2022, there is no such thing as a clean supply chain of cobalt from the Congo. All cobalt sourced from the DRC is tainted by various degrees of abuse, including slavery, child labour, forced labour, debt bondage, human trafficking, hazardous and toxic working conditions, pathetic wages, injury and death, and incalculable environmental harm.”
I advise anyone interested in the Congo to read the two books I have mentioned: Hochschild’s book “King Leopold’s Ghost” and Kara’s book on cobalt.
Al Jazeera recently published an article, “Blood and minerals: Who profits from conflict in DRC?” Its writers managed to speak to miners, a trafficker, an undertaker and a prostitute to understand the way of life in the mineral region. I will read from it. A 16-year-old miner called Inocence walked an hour to the largest coltan mine post in the country. As he was guiding the journalists to the mine post, they encountered several men carrying the body of a miner on a makeshift stretcher. Inocence told journalists,
“Sometimes the mountain caves in. The miners are buried for ever and people forget about them.”
The trafficker later explained that many miners work for 14 hours a day and get paid only about $1. The trafficker collects his merchandise from the miners by the river and goes on to sell the goods, earning around $2,000 a month. Traffickers who buy already screened minerals at the foot of the mine end up multiplying its value when they leave it at the border with Rwanda and Uganda. By the time the coltan arrives in the manufacturing districts of Shanghai, Ciudad Juárez in Mexico or other places around the world, the market price is between $470 and $540 per kilo. So we can see the multiplier effect: a child gets almost nothing to mine those vital products, which end up on the world market where they sell for enormous amounts of money.
Mining companies such as Glencore, which is based in Switzerland, have exploited the conflict for their own benefit. It was recently found guilty under Swiss law of “inadequate organisation” that led to corrupt mining deals, which included the bribing of officials. Public Eye filed a criminal complaint with the Office of the Attorney General of Switzerland following the publication of the Paradise papers, which shed new light on the purchase of cobalt and copper mines in the DRC.
Glencore commissioned the services of a businessman, Dan Gertler, who is on the US sanctions list, to secure favourable mining deals. He brought about a staggering price reduction on behalf of Glencore in 2008 during negotiations with Kabila’s Government about the Katanga Mining company, and in 2011 acquired shares in the Mutanda and Kansuki mines from the Congolese state mining company at far below their market value. Four years of investigation by the OAG found that around $26 million had been paid from Swiss bank accounts to a close associate of the then President of the DRC. Glencore ultimately benefited financially from the deals, as the OAG’s judgment states.
Glencore had been ordered to pay $150 million, which is nothing compared with the loss that the Congolese people have suffered. There needs to be much sterner action taken by all Governments globally concerning this horrifying supply chain of vital minerals, which are mined at the expense of the living conditions and poverty of many people in the Congo, and could provide so much in the way of education and so much more for other people in the Congo.
The purpose of my debate today is to try to draw attention to the history of the Congo and the plight that many people are suffering at present, and to try to hear what the new UK Government’s view is on this and how we can take matters forward. The UN is involved, endorsing Security Council resolution 2717 in 2023, and experts are concerned that if MONUSCO withdraws, key components of early warning systems of human rights violations will no longer be operational, significantly limiting human rights monitoring, reporting and investigation. The UN has asked the Congolese Government to ensure the consolidation of the handover of security responsibilities in South Kivu. I hope those assurances will be forthcoming.
Lack of logistical and military support for troops and groups to defeat the M23 is hampering efforts. We have huge investment in groups in order to make other people very, very wealthy indeed. The role of the Rwandan Government, in facilitating M23 activities, has also been called into question. What action is going to be taken?
I will conclude with one point and a couple of questions. The UK ambassador to the Congo, James Kariuki, said in a statement to the UN Security Council only a few months ago in April,
“We also emphasise our commitment to a gradual, responsible and sustainable withdrawal. We call on the DRC government, through close coordination with MONUSCO, to assume its protection responsibilities for the civilian population in line with the joint disengagement plan.”
Can the Government elaborate on how they will emphasise this commitment to a sustainable withdrawal? While we have condemned the continued advance of UN-sanctioned M23 forces, external actors must withdraw as well, because they are part of the problem.
The conflict has also been marked by horrific human rights abuses. Women and children have borne the brunt of this violence, with systematic sexual violence used as a weapon of war. Entire communities have been traumatised, and the psychological scars will take generations to heal. The violence has disrupted access to education, healthcare and other basic services, deepening poverty and perpetuating cycles of suffering.
The international community must play a pivotal role in addressing the conflict in the DRC. MONUSCO has been present in the country for over two decades, working to protect civilians and support peace efforts. However, the challenges are immense and peace remains elusive. We must rethink our approach to peacebuilding in the DRC, because any solution to the conflict there must be inclusive and address the root causes of violence. That means bringing all stakeholders to the table—national and local leaders, civil society, women’s groups, youth and marginalised communities. Peace cannot be achieved through top-down agreements alone; it must be built from the ground up.
As I draw my remarks to a close, I would like to ask the Minister to address the following four points when she winds up. What are the UK Government doing to address the economic drivers of conflict and the illegal exploitation of natural resources, which is a major cause of the conflict? How are the UK Government strengthening state institutions and governance in the DRC? Peace in the DRC requires a strong and accountable Government that can provide security, deliver services and uphold the rule of law. What talks have the UK Government undertaken to enhance regional co-operation and stability? The conflict in the DRC is deeply intertwined with regional dynamics. Lastly, what are the UK Government doing to protect human rights and ensure accountability? Impunity is a major obstacle to peace. We must support efforts to hold to account the perpetrators of violence, whether they are members of armed groups, Government forces or foreign actors.
In conclusion, the conflict in the DRC is one of the most challenging crises of our time, but it is not a hopeless one. The Congolese people have shown remarkable resilience in the face of adversity. They desire peace, stability and a chance to build a better future for themselves and their children. It is our collective responsibility—Congolese leaders, regional partners and the international community—to stand with the people of the DRC in their quest for peace.
Let us be bold, united in our purpose and unwavering in our commitment to ending the conflict in the DRC. Together, we can help the DRC move from a cycle of violence to a cycle of peace, development and prosperity.
The humanitarian crisis in the DRC is staggering. More than 7 million people have been displaced within the country and more than 13 million require urgent humanitarian assistance, a figure that includes millions of children at risk of starvation. In the eastern Congo, half a million people have had to flee their homes. The DRC has the highest number of internally displaced people in all of Africa, and we have to remember what that means. I think that 98 million people live in the DRC, so the fact that it has the highest numbers of displaced people gives us an idea of what those numbers are.
Just recently, on 30 August, terrorists shot and killed 57 people in Goma. The right hon. Member for Islington North referred to Goma and some of the things that have happened over the last period of time, and they are very difficult to listen to.
I mentioned the APPG, and research says that 95% of the DRC’s population are Christian, 1.5% are Muslim and 1.8% have no religious affiliation. The churches that are combined to make up that 95% include evangelical Christians, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Jehovah’s Witnesses, the Greek and independent orthodox churches, other churches.
I give those figures because I find those terrorist attacks and the human rights abuses, such as the catalogue of sexual abuse to which the right hon. Member for Islington North referred, hard to contemplate. To tell the truth, I find them incredibly hard even to think about, and I know that the right hon. Gentleman, in his introduction, was finding them hard to contemplate and understand as well. His illustration of going to that camp—my goodness. If I were to speak with those people, I would have no idea what I could say that would be of any comfort—I would just feel inadequate. I know how he felt, because I would have felt exactly the same.
I also gave those figures because 30% of the human rights abuses—the rapes and sexual abuse, the killings, the looting and the desecration of churches—are carried out on the Christian population. In a population of 98 million, a figure of 30% gives us an idea of how many Christians have been persecuted during the conflict. That tells me this conflict is one of the worst terrorist conflicts that I could ever imagine across all of Africa, and I say that to have it on record.
Given the escalating violence in the region and the growing displacement of civilians, the support of our Government in the United Kingdom and the broader international community is more crucial than ever. The DRC has long been troubled by armed conflicts, yet it also holds tremendous potential due to its rich natural resources and strategic importance. However, those resources have often been a curse rather than a blessing, and I think those were the words used by the right hon. Member for Islington North at the beginning—that stood out in my mind because I put down the same thing. Those resources fuel corruption, violence and exploitation rather than the prosperity that they should. They could take all those people out of poverty and bring them up to a standard of living that is right.
I spoke about the sexual attacks on women and girls. For some of the monsters and vile people who carry those out, it does not matter what the age of the person may be—young, old or anything between. We have to address all these things. The international community, including the UK, must ask: what actions have been taken to alleviate the suffering in the DRC and have there have been any diplomatic efforts to encourage a peaceful transition of power in accordance with the DRC’s constitution? I ask those questions constructively of the Minister, and they are always meant to be constructive. What measures are being implemented to address the widespread human rights abuses, including the extrajudicial killings that I understand have been carried out by state agents?
The DRC is not only a humanitarian disaster but a potential powder keg for the whole region’s stability. Tens of thousands of refugees have already fled to neighbouring countries such as Uganda, Angola, Tanzania and Zambia, raising the risk of conflict spilling over into those regions. The South African Development Community, under South Africa’s leadership, has a vital role to play in bringing about peace and stability in the DRC. There is a role for South Africa in this, and I am keen to hear how we can work with South Africa and others to bring security about—I apologise to the Minister, because I would rather have given her notice of these questions to give her a better chance to respond.
I have many churches in my constituency that are active in the DRC and across Africa. I believe there is a role that they can play with the non-governmental organisations in terms of how they can do things better. Is that something that could be considered? The UK’s involvement in the DRC, whether through diplomatic efforts, humanitarian aid or support for the democratic process, is a matter of not just moral responsibility but strategic importance. A stable DRC could contribute significantly to regional stability and development, and benefit the broader African continent, as well as the global community.
In conclusion, what role can the UK play in supporting the DRC’s transition to a stable and prosperous nation? How can we ensure that humanitarian aid reaches those most in need, and that it supports not only immediate relief but long-term development? There is also the pressing question of how we can support credible elections in the DRC. Those are constructive questions, and addressing them is essential for restoring democracy and preventing further violence. I very much look forward to the Minister’s answer, as well as to the contribution from the shadow Minister.
Finally, it is very positive to see that the new Government have already been thinking about peace in the DRC. I read that Lord Collins, the new Under-Secretary of State for Africa, went to Angola in August shortly after the signing of a ceasefire agreement between Rwanda and the DRC as part of the Luanda process, so we have seen some positive steps in UK policy and support in recent months.
It is concerning that the withdrawal of MONUSCO at the request of the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo appears to be throwing up unexpected challenges, including potentially exacerbating the terrible humanitarian situation. The work of peacekeeping troops remains very important. Attacks against them and against international non-governmental organisations operating in the region have reached almost triple figures since the start of the year. They are despicable, and I am sure that all colleagues here roundly condemn them.
I hope that the new Government will continue to support British NGOs in their important work. I want to single out the work of Tearfund, which lost two members of its team in July in an attack on a convoy arriving in Butembo from Lubero. Can we take a moment to remember those individuals, who are so brave, and their families and all those who risk their lives delivering all-important aid?
As the withdrawal of MONUSCO continues, I urge the new UK Government to continue encouraging the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to step up their protection responsibilities for civilians against armed rebels and their engagement with the all-important political process in Luanda and elsewhere. The humanitarian truce and ceasefire earlier this summer appear to have somewhat lowered tensions, and any progress is to be applauded, but we are concerned to hear the suggestion that supply routes, including for food, continue to be disrupted. The UN Security Council resolution in August is warmly welcomed: it unanimously agreed to increase co-operation between MONUSCO and the Southern African Development Community mission, which will be tasked with much of the work of security and stabilisation of the country.
I want to touch briefly on the recent mpox outbreak, which is intimately linked to the conflict across the country. I put it on the record that the shadow Foreign Secretary, my right hon. Friend the Member for Sutton Coldfield (Mr Mitchell), recently spoke to Dr Tedros, the director general of the World Health Organisation. He emphasised the importance of an international response to the virus so that we can contain it. During the time my party was in Government, we pledged $126 million of funding for a three-year humanitarian project; I would be interested to hear what the new Government are planning to do in that area.
I will end by asking about British International Investment, which is one of the organisations that has been able to make really good investments and create jobs in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. I appreciate that things may have changed since 2018, so I would be interested in an update. Again, I urge the new Government in the UK to support the political solutions in Luanda and Nairobi that are really the only long-term solutions to advancing peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.