24: Clause 6, page 8, leave out lines 11 and 12
Member’s explanatory statement
This amendment prevents the Secretary of State from expanding the definition of “relevant low-cost tenancy” by regulations.
My Lords, I thank the Minister for taking the time to meet my noble friend Lady Scott and me to discuss the contents of the government amendments in this group. We are grateful that she has returned to the House with what has been referred to as a “break glass” provision, finally acknowledging that the Government’s policy may indeed lead to a significant backlog in the tribunal system.
However, on these Benches we struggle to understand why the Government, having recognised the problem, have not sought to take proactive steps to prevent such a backlog in the first place. Waiting until the system is overwhelmed before acting is not good policy. It also cannot be right that rent determinations made by tribunals can result only in the rent being revised downward. This creates a clear and perverse incentive. There is no risk to bringing a case if the rent cannot go up and can only go down. Why not try your luck? You may as well. It encourages unnecessary and speculative tribunal claims.
That is why I thank the noble Lord, Lord Carrington, and my noble friend Lord Howard of Rising for their consistent work on this issue and for the thoughtful amendments they have tabled. Both noble Lords have highlighted the problem with clarity. The current system gives tenants an incentive to challenge rent, knowing that they have nothing to lose. We would therefore support Amendment 31 should my noble friend decide to press it to a vote. It would correct the imbalance by allowing for rent to be revised upwards as well as downwards, restoring fairness to the process.
Amendment 42, which stands in my name, would require the Secretary of State to conduct a formal review of the tribunal system responsible for rent determinations. We on these Benches recognise the potential for tribunal backlogs that the “break glass” amendment is supposed to address, but we do not believe that will be the case. Hence, we believe that a comprehensive review is necessary to help us understand the true pressure being placed on the system and how best to mitigate it.
My Lords, I shall speak to Amendment 29 in my name and in that of the noble Baroness, Lady Thornhill, but before doing so I will thank the Minister, as so many other noble Lords have done, for the courteous way in which she has discussed this issue with me. My amendment seeks to provide for a pre-appeal assessment process to filter out appeals that have no prospect of success and thus avoid overburdening the tribunals. Its specific and highly practical suggestion is that the Government should take advantage of the technical expertise available to them through the Valuation Office Agency. Rent appeals should progress to the courts only if the Valuation Office Agency considers that they have a chance of success.
It seems appropriate to be making this suggestion on the 100th anniversary of the Rating and Valuation Act 1925, which ensured consistency of property ratings across the country by the use of professional valuation officers. I commend this Act to noble Lords. Reading it is quite possible because it is a relatively brief piece of legislation written in language that a normal person can understand. But the main reason I am commending it is that it set up a decentralised but uniform system which gave people across the country consistent decisions on a regular and predictable timescale, with clarity on who was making those decisions and how they could be contacted. This sort of clarity and consistency is surely what we would like for all tenants and all landlords, but the current drafting of the Bill, which loads more work on to a tribunal system that we know is overloaded, is not in a position to deliver this.
As I explained in Committee, my proposal was prompted by current Scottish practice. It does not in any way reduce the right of tenants to appeal against a rent increase, and I am not sure that it even reduces the incentive to appeal on the off-chance, but it does reduce the likelihood that the courts will be overwhelmed very soon by appeals, in particular by appeals which do not succeed and which swamp the courts, to the detriment of important and merit-worthy cases.
My Lords, I shall speak to Amendment 30 in my name. I take the point made by the noble Baroness, Lady Wolf of Dulwich, that it is good to have something easy to read. I would say that this amendment is very easy to read: it would amend the Housing Act 1988 so that, when determining rents, tribunals must disregard any improvements funded by government grants for a two-year period.
The amendment, which I feel strongly about, is designed to help renters and the Government. It aims to improve upon a good policy that creates warmer homes and cheaper bills. The climate benefits from the warmer home grant, as do landlords, so why not guarantee that tenants get cheaper bills without a rent rise for a couple of years?
I met the Minister last week. She is very generous with her time, and I was grateful for her comments, but I still do not see the problem with passing the amendment. There are complexities, and the tribunals would have to sort out any details if the property owner added some of their own money along with the taxpayer money, but tribunals make far more difficult calculations every week. I have also heard privately from several people just how difficult it is with tribunals, but that is the sort of thing that must be fixed. They really cannot be allowed to wallow and not be the tribunals that they need to be.
The important thing for me in this amendment is that taxpayer-funded improvements are not used as an excuse to raise rents, and we need the force of law backing that up. Although the guidance is slightly more explicit, it will get ignored and that will discredit a good policy. Generation Rent recently did a poll of renters, asking them about their support for the Government’s policies in this area. There was a net support increase from plus 14% to plus 55% when renters were presented with a scenario where the Government would protect them from rent increases. I do not want to suggest that the Government should be run by opinion polls, but it is wonderful when you can do something that is right, does not cost any extra money and leads to a 41% jump in the popularity of that policy—and also, hopefully, the popularity of the Government.
My Lords, I shall speak to Amendments 31 to 33 in my name. I declare an interest as a landlord of rented properties.
When I pointed out in Committee that the Bill as drafted would create a conservative 1 million applicants to the rent tribunals, the Minister commented that that was
“unlikely, to say the least”.—[Official Report, 28/4/25; col. 1045.]
In a recent letter from her, recognition was given that there is an inherent uncertainty about the volume of rent challenges. The proposed new delegated power to backdate rent increases acknowledges the potential difficulties. Welcome as that proposal is, it does not start to address the fundamental problem. At best, it will provide some temporary window dressing. The Government might recognise that the system may be overwhelmed, as the noble Baroness, Lady Wolf, pointed out very cogently, but promoting appeals to the rent tribunal in the first place is the crux of the problem when the Bill still provides that the tribunal can only confirm or reduce the rent, not raise it. That creates a no-lose situation for tenants.
Amendment 31 addresses the most fundamental of the structural flaws. It would remove this restriction that the tribunal may only reduce or uphold a proposed rent, not increase it. If a tribunal can only confirm or lower a rent and never raise it, that is a one-way ratchet. As my noble friend Lord Jamieson pointed out, if things can only get better, what possible reason is there not to try it on? There will be no loss, and until and if the Secretary of State regulates to backdate rent increases—and how speedy that will be with two Government departments having to consult over it is noble Lords’ own guess—there will be a decent delay in any increase being implemented. It becomes a virtual necessity for a tenant to challenge.
8:15 pm
Amendment 33 would ensure that any rent increase upheld by the tribunal may take effect from the date originally set out in the landlord’s notice, not merely from the date of the tribunal’s determination, unless to do so would cause undue hardship to the tenant. This retains protection for vulnerable tenants, while removing the automatic procedural advantage currently afforded to any tenant who appeals. As drafted, the Bill all but guarantees delay as a consequence of referral; again, reinforcing the incentive to appeal every rent increase as a matter of course.
This group of amendments forms a coherent and necessary package of reforms. They would not undermine the right of tenants to challenge increases; that right is preserved in full. What these amendments would do is avoid a situation where there is an incentive for tenants to challenge increases, regardless of the likelihood of success.
In Committee, I made the point to the Minister that rent tribunals do not allow rents to go above the current market rate. This cap would mean that market rates are never able to rise. The response was that
“nothing in our reform stops or limits a landlord from charging the market rate”.—[Official Report, 28/4/25; col. 1075.]
If the rent tribunal on day one caps any rent increase to the market rate, then the market rate can never go up above that rate, decided on day one, because any proposed increase would be capped at this level; that is, the market rate. That is fine initially, but given time and inflation, it is an unreal situation. To say that a landlord can charge the market rent is going round in circles. I would be grateful if the Minister could help me with this.
My Lords, I shall speak to Amendment 34 and the associated Amendments 35, 36 and 40 in my name and kindly supported by the noble Lord, Lord Hacking. First, I thank the Minister, the noble Baroness, Lady Taylor, for her ongoing engagement with me and other noble Lords and Baronesses throughout the steps that this important Bill has taken thus far. My amendments concern a vital part of the Bill: the right of renters to challenge annual rent increases.
There remains strong consensus across this House and in the other place that stands with the Government in ensuring that unreasonable and exploitative rent increases are avoided. Such increases should not be used in this way across the private rented sector as a means of eviction through the back door. However, despite the Government’s own recent amendments, which I will turn to in due course, I remain strongly of the opinion that the Government’s current drafting of Clause 7 will not work, even with the new failsafe mechanism that has been added in the name of the noble Baroness, Lady Taylor.
It remains the case that under the current wording of the Bill, renters will have a universal right to challenge any and every rent increase they receive, in all circumstances and without qualification. Moreover, increases that the First-tier Tribunal agrees will come into effect only once the tribunal has given its ruling. This wording continues to have the very real and dangerous potential to undermine the supply of new rental homes in England and, at the same time, overwhelm the courts.
The Government believe that renters will apply to the tribunal only if they believe that a rent increase is above market rents. Like others, I am afraid that will not be the result of this legislation. The legal text of the Bill still sets out that a rent increase could not come into force until after the tribunal rules. The result of this drafting is to create an artificial incentive for all renters—all 4.5 million of them—to submit a challenge to a proposed increase in rent from their landlord, however legitimate. This would prevent the increase coming into force until the tribunal decides. There is no risk to the renter in this, as it provides a guaranteed delay. Once this is widely understood, as was pointed out by the noble Baroness, Lady Wolf, renters will exercise their right as a matter of course. Indeed, I expect a celebrity such as Martin Lewis would immediately note the opportunity to delay rent increases as a money-saving tactic for renters.
My Lords, I put my name to Amendments 34 and 35 from the noble Lord, Lord Carrington. The noble Lord has given such a precise and detailed reasoning for all those amendments that there is nothing I can really add to what he said, but I would just like to remind the House—particularly my noble friend the Minister—of the point I made earlier when I was speaking about Amendment 1 of all the amendments before us on Report; that is, the value to the House of having the expertise that the noble Lord, Lord Carrington, presents in supporting his argument. Indeed, I ask for particular attention from my noble friend the Minister to the points he raised relating to her amendments, which are also before us in this group. If she does nothing else, I hope my noble friend will take careful note of the improvements that the noble Lord, Lord Carrington, suggests should be made to her own amendments.
20 of 151 shown
Renters’ Rights Bill · Order Paper · Order Paper
I am grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Wolf of Dulwich, for recognising the overburdening of the tribunal system with Amendment 29, but it would add an additional filtering step rather than seek to reduce the incentive to go in the first place, especially when there is no downside to doing so, which we think would be the more appropriate way of addressing the issue.
Finally, I will say a word on Amendment 24, which concerns preventing the Secretary of State expanding the definition of a relevant low-cost tenancy by regulation. This is important because such a power, if exercised without scrutiny, could significantly broaden the Bill’s scope in unintended ways. It is vital that any change to this definition comes before Parliament not simply through ministerial discretion. From these Benches we look forward to hearing from noble Lords across the House on these issues. I beg to move.
Under the Government’s current proposals, tenants will enjoy a number of new and important rights. Rents cannot be increased as often as at present, for example. Most importantly in the context of this group of amendments, tenants who wish to challenge what they see as an excessive rent increase have access to an independent tribunal. The tribunal cannot propose an increase that is any higher than the one initially proposed by the landlord, as the noble Lord, Lord Jamieson, has already pointed out. It can endorse the landlord’s proposal or rule that a lower rent should be charged. Obviously, these charges are of great assistance when landlords are proposing major increases that are out of line with inflation or the market, but, equally obviously, they will encourage a very large number of appeals which are lodged on the off-chance, and I do not think there is any doubt that this would be disastrous. In the other place during the Public Bill Committee, Minister Pennycook observed:
“There is no dispute on the Government side of the Committee as to the fact that the court system is on its knees”.—[Official Report, Commons, Renters’ Rights Bill Committee, 22/10/24; col. 9.]
He added “after the past 14 years” but the relevant point here is that the court system is on its knees.
As first introduced, the Bill provided that the tenant who appealed against a rent increase where the tribunal found this was allowable would pay the increase only from the date of the tribunal decision, which could be many months on. This clearly hugely increased the incentive to appeal, and I think it would also have been seen as massively unfair by any tenant who accepted an increase without appealing and then saw a fellow tenant getting months at a lower rate. So, I was very pleased that the Government recognised this risk and I look forward to the Minister explaining how the government amendments will work in practice.
However, I do not think this is enough to head off tribunal overload, which is why I have retabled my amendment. There will still, for many people, be a sense that they have nothing to lose by appealing. If I were an officer in a student union, for example, and I was asked my opinion, I would have to say that appealing remains something of a no-brainer. I would have to say the same if I was on a radio programme or an online forum. Why would you not? I therefore remain convinced that, in the absence of some sort of prior screening of the type that I have suggested, the courts will be overwhelmed.
In Scotland, the first stage in any appeal goes to Rent Service Scotland. Apparently, on average, it takes just five days to respond and most things stop there; very few cases go further. Obviously, the Scottish situation is very different from ours, but it is also obvious that, when it comes to providing tenants and landlords with quick feedback rather than months in limbo, it is very effective. It is also obvious, given the volumes that Rent Service Scotland deals with, that without this prior system there would be a very large number of cases which were effectively a waste of time.
It would be very easy for us to introduce a similar first-stage process in England. There is a large amount of expertise on rents outside the tribunals and the courts. The Valuation Office Agency already gives the Government valuations and property advice that they need to support taxation and benefits. Rents in social housing are tightly regulated. Registered providers must comply with the Regulator of Social Housing’s rent standard or rent settlement, which is effectively set by the Government, and its annual increases would be an obvious and simple yardstick to use when evaluating whether appeals should go on. Rent officers also still set rents for the remaining group of protected tenancies, so the basic infrastructure is there.
To see what we are facing, I think, as I thought in Committee, that a bit of back-of-an-envelope arithmetic is in order. The Government do not think there will be a huge growth in open appeals. If appeals from private sector tenants tracked the levels going to Rent Service Scotland and they all proceeded to the tribunal, we would end up with another 40,000 cases a year. That compares with 909 cases heard by the tribunals under current legislation in England, so that would be a fortyfold increase. But suppose that it was only a quarter of that level; that would still be a tenfold increase, with 10,000 extra cases a year hitting First-tier Tribunals that are under enormous strain. We hear a lot in the press about pressures and backlogs in criminal courts, but the statistics for the tribunals are at least as grim. In the year 2024-25, the open case load total—excluding immigration and asylum—rose to 745,000, which is an increase of 14% in the course of a single year.
The Minister was kind enough to discuss my amendment with me following Committee and to recognise that a provision for initial screening could be helpful if tribunals were indeed overwhelmed. In the absence of any government amendment to that effect, I look forward to hearing from her about the Government’s current thinking. I also highlight the enormous importance of reviewing the impact on the judicial system, which we will return to later on Report.
I had hoped the Government would put this forward as their own idea in some form or another. I have been told privately that it is not nuanced enough, and that is possibly a fault of my nature, but I think it is a good amendment and hope that the Government will give it due attention.
Amendment 32 would ensure that in the event the tribunal determines that the rent initially agreed was too high, landlords are not retrospectively liable for backdated repayments to tenants of an agreed rent. This is simply a matter of fairness and legal certainty: if a tenant has freely agreed a rent at the outset of a tenancy, it should not be open to the tribunal to rewrite an agreement and impose retrospective liability on the landlord. It would set a worrying precedent.
This incentive also risks the efficacy of the First-tier Tribunal by burdening an already struggling court with thousands of cases. This would result in those in real need waiting potentially months longer for access to justice from exploitative landlords. The Government rightly want renters in genuine need of redress to have access to the court, but the queue for justice will be too long for this to prove realistic.
My amendments seek to ensure that if a rent increase is challenged, but the increase is upheld by the tribunal, the rent increase becomes effective from the original date of the Section 13 notice. This important detail removes the incentive for spurious challenges that are being used only as a delaying tactic by renters who are challenging their rent increase because they simply want to delay payment of it. By removing this incentive, only those renters with real cause and who are being exploited, and are therefore likely to get the support of the tribunal’s decision, will challenge rent increases. These are the very people who should be at the front of the queue when it comes to these sorts of challenges.
I turn to the amounts of money we are looking at when it comes to rent increases. I want to explain how my amendments, while deterring spurious challenges, also support renters who challenge their rent but with whom the tribunal is not in agreement. The Office for National Statistics notes that the average rent per month in the United Kingdom, in the 12 months to April 2025, was £1,339. The average rent increase across the UK in the same 12-month period was 7%. Therefore, if we were to take 7% as a marker for the rent increase in the next 12 months, we would be looking at the average rent across the UK increasing by around £93 per month.
Now, £93 can be a good deal of money to many across the country, particularly as the cost of living crisis continues. This pressure on household finances has not been overlooked in my amendments, which cover the concerns of the Minister and others that renters may be put under undue financial pressure if they are unsuccessful in their rent challenges and are required to pay back large lump sums of backdated rent at once.
Under the Bill, every renter from the time it is implemented would have the ability to challenge and delay the £93 per month annual increase without needing to provide a reason, be it financial or otherwise, as to why they are challenging that increase. However, if the tribunal, when it eventually gets to each and every challenge, judges in the landlord’s favour, my amendments would ensure that instead of that renter needing to pay their landlord a backdated amount of rent immediately, a 12-month payment plan would be put in place. This means that if it took six months for the challenge to be reviewed by the courts and a decision made, the renter would not need to find the extra rent immediately but would need only to find the extra £46.50 each month over the next 12 months to pay their landlord in backdated rent. This seems entirely reasonable, and I hope the inclusion of this amendment has been carefully considered by the Minister.
I now turn to the Government’s assessment that renters will apply to the tribunal only if they believe a rent increase is above market rents. The Government are placing a great faith in this opinion and have commissioned a new burdens assessment and justice impact test, which is referred to many times throughout the Bill’s impact assessment, from November last year. However, we have not been able to review or scrutinise these two important documents, as they have not been published. Were we able to see and scrutinise them in this place, many of us may be reassured by the Government’s current opinion on levels of renters who will challenge their rent, but while the Government restrict access to these documents, we must rely on what the Bill says and our understanding of renters and the PRS as it stands in a time when household finances are tight and there is every incentive to delay a rent increase.
The Government have tabled a fail-safe amendment to Clause 7, but again there is a lack of detail here too. In Amendment 37 in the name of the Minister, the noble Baroness, Lady Taylor, we are not given clarity around when such a power would be used and what the trigger for this would be. What level of caseload would the tribunal need to face before the Government were to step in and introduce backdating? Therefore, while I applaud the Government for considering Clause 7 and tabling this amendment, I fear it will do nothing to reassure the sector. It is also interesting to note that in the event of the introduction of the fail-safe mechanism, rents will be charged from the date of the Section 13 notice—quite a reversal of policy from the tribunal decision date. If we had the detail around when such a statutory instrument would be enacted, we might be able to agree with the Government on the amendment, but as it stands, sadly I cannot.
To sum up, taken together, I believe that Amendments 34, 35, 36 and 40 in my name would deliver a fair result. They are technical changes that keep the vital rights of renters to challenge from being exploited, while reducing the artificial, jeopardy-free incentive to take any and all landlords to court for reasonable increases in line with the market. The amendment giving protection to renters who lose their challenge with the 12-month payment plan should also be strongly considered by Government.