My Lords, I extend my thanks to the many noble Lords with whom I have spoken about this Bill, and to Members of this House and people outside it who have worked so hard to improve the private rented sector over many years. I am looking forward to the maiden speeches of my noble friends Lady Brown and Lord Wilson.
The private rental system needs to change. It currently provides the least affordable, poorest quality and most insecure housing of all tenures. The insecurity it engenders creates uncertainty in the lives of tenants and allows good landlords to be undercut by the minority of rogues and chancers. In short, the 11 million private renters and the 2.3 million landlords across England are being failed.
The Renters’ Rights Bill brings forward the most significant changes to the sector for nearly 40 years. The Bill will strengthen the security of tenure for tenants; ensure that they are paying a fair rent; guarantee a minimum standard that they can expect from a property; provide new robust avenues to redress; and more. The Government have worked closely with those across the sector to ensure that the Bill’s measures strike the right balance. I will set out some of these key measures.
As many noble Lords will be aware, the Bill will deliver the Government’s manifesto commitment to abolish Section 21 no-fault evictions as soon as possible, removing the threat of arbitrary eviction and granting renters the security and stability they deserve. Section 21 evictions can wreak havoc with tenants’ employment, schooling and lives in general. As leader of Stevenage Council, I saw at first hand the knock-on effects that arbitrary evictions can have on families’ physical and mental health, with more people pushed into inadequate temporary accommodation. The case that always sticks with me is that of the parents of a child with special educational needs, who fought and fought to get their child into a school near where they lived but were then evicted from the very property that was near to that school.
It is unacceptable that over 123,000 households in England are currently living in temporary accommodation. This includes 159,380 children—the highest number of children in temporary accommodation on record. Removing this threat will immediately improve the lives of millions.
The Government also recognise that the vast majority of landlords provide an excellent service, and it is vital to ensure landlords can reclaim their properties when they need to. To this end, new, clear and expanded possession grounds will be introduced. We will ensure these are as watertight as possible, so that they cannot be abused by landlords seeking possession for the wrong reasons. These robust grounds will ensure that there is no room for loopholes in the system, and tenants will benefit from longer notice and protected periods.
The new tenancy system will operate on the basis of periodic tenancies. This will support tenants who want to leave poor-quality homes or face circumstances such as domestic abuse. Tenants will be able to give two months’ notice at any point.
My Lords, I declare my interest as set out in the register as vice-president of the Local Government Association. I very much look forward to the maiden speeches of the noble Baroness, Lady Brown of Silvertown, and the noble Lord, Lord Wilson of Sedgefield, and welcome them to the House.
The Renters’ Rights Bill is counterproductive. While the Government may have good intentions, they will drive landlords from the market—reducing choice and putting up rent for the tenants they seek to protect. While we discuss this Bill, it is important to remind ourselves who landlords are: around 45% own one rental property, with another 40% owning two to four. In many, if not most, cases these are not professional landlords; they may have gained an extra property when a family member has died or through marriage later in life, or perhaps they invested in a property or two to use as a pension. To expect them to be able to cope with all the costs and burdens placed on them by this Bill is at best naive. Many decent landlords and safe, quality homes will leave the rental market as a result.
We must absolutely deal with bad landlords, but in most circumstances there is no reason a good landlord would want to lose a good tenant. It is in their interest to keep a steady income from a reliable tenant who respects their property. Having an empty property is expensive, and there are significant fees and paperwork involved with finding a new tenant. While trying to protect and improve living conditions for renters, the Government should be very careful not to do the opposite and make it worse for them.
The last Conservative Government introduced our own version of this Bill, the Renters (Reform) Bill. It was first introduced to the House of Commons in May 2023 and eventually had its Second Reading in your Lordships’ House in May 2024, but was not taken any further before the general election. The Bill did not make quick progress because we wanted to take our time to get this right. We listened to representations from the sector and carefully considered the impact of our policies. We made changes during the Bill’s passage through the House of Commons, most notably on the readiness of the courts, and further changes were planned for the House of Lords, most notably to carve out student lets.
My Lords, the Liberal Democrats welcome the Bill and support the fundamental principles in it of rebalancing the relationship between landlord and tenant. We thank the Minister for the meetings so far and look forward to working with her to make progress. We also look forward to hearing the maiden speeches of the noble Lord, Lord Wilson, and the noble Baroness, Lady Brown.
We are particularly supportive of the measures to immediately ban Section 21 eviction notices. Frankly, this change cannot come soon enough for so many, and we owe it to the almost 1 million renters who have been on the receiving end of a no-fault eviction since the change was promised in the 2019 Conservative manifesto. They are only a small fraction of the vast numbers who have lived with the insecurities of the now most common form of tenure—assured shorthold tenancies—since they were first introduced in 1988. Given all the similarities to the previous Renters (Reform) Bill—in particular, on scrapping no-fault evictions—it was so disappointing to see the Conservatives in the other place attempting to block the Bill altogether. They need to deliver on their original promise. This much- heralded but delayed change by the previous Government remains nothing short of a scandal and has left a legacy for tenants that we should have uppermost in our minds during the progress of the Bill.
The promise to ban no-fault evictions followed by dither and delay made, if possible, the market even worse for tenants, prompting a 30% growth in Airbnb short-term lets and taking away even more security of tenure from other tenants. There is one small silver lining: the sector itself has had significant notice of this change and therefore time to prepare for no-fault evictions bans.
Tenants are aptly described as the
“People on the Frontline of Britain’s Housing Emergency”
My Lords, I thank the Minister for her introduction and for many helpful meetings on the Bill. I look forward to the maiden speeches of the noble Lord, Lord Wilson, and the noble Baroness, Lady Brown. I declare my housing and property interests as on the register, including that I have family members who own rented property.
The Bill introduces much-needed reforms to the private rented sector—the PRS—which I greatly welcome. However, I want to address a big question that I know is in the minds of a number of your Lordships: however necessary the reforms to the PRS, will the Bill lead to large numbers of landlords exiting the market? If a lot of landlords decide this kind of investment is no longer for them, what will happen to the rental market?
A mass exodus of landlords seems very unlikely. Property remains an attractive long-term investment in uncertain times. However, analysis by the consultancy Savills shows that a gradual reduction in private rental properties has already been under way in London. Despite the arrival of the new providers of Build to Rent apartments, it seems entirely possible that the Bill will lead to more landlords selling up.
Keeping up with the new legislative requirements not only necessitates use of proper, professional lettings agents but will mean substantial investment for properties in need of modernisation. Meeting the decent homes standard comes alongside a forthcoming duty to upgrade properties to higher energy efficiency standards. Many landlords, particularly those who have borrowed heavily in the hope of making capital gains, simply lack the resources to comply with important new demands.
I conclude that the PRS will get smaller, but this is not necessarily a negative outcome. The private rented sector doubled in size in the early 2000s and, despite a tougher tax regime, there are still some 2.3 million private landlords. Meanwhile, the expansion of private renting has led the sector to take on a role for which it is not well equipped. With the steep decline in social housing—the council and housing association sector is now barely half its former size—the PRS’s expansion has had to fill the gap. Yet, private renting is seldom the best option for those needing low rents, good quality and long-term security. Nor does the enlarged PRS suit the taxpayer: the sector’s higher market rents have propelled more renters into housing benefit at escalating cost to the Exchequer. The PRS has found itself performing a role in place of councils and housing associations, which suits neither the tenants nor the public purse. The Bill could help achieve some rebalancing between the private sector and the social sector.
My Lords, I welcome this Bill and the commitment that the Government have made to tackling the pervasive insecurity and unaffordability of the private rented sector. I will be delighted to listen to the maiden speeches of the noble Lord, Lord Wilson, and the noble Baroness, Lady Brown.
Last week, my right reverend friend the Bishop of Chelmsford, the lead Bishop on housing, chaired a round table with a number of noble Lords and members of the Renters’ Reform Coalition. Although she is unable to be here today, I know that she is looking forward to contributing to the Bill as it progresses.
The Bill is an opportunity to strike a fairer, long-term deal that will benefit both landlords and tenants. We must heed the voices not only of tenants themselves but of landlords’ groups, which have expressed legitimate concerns about any potential negative consequences, however unintended, of the changes introduced by the Bill.
There are many things that the Bill gets right, including, to name just a few: the introduction of a private rented sector landlord ombudsman service; the expansion of provisions supporting tenants with pets—my cats and I are grateful; and the extension of Awaab’s law to the private rented sector. These are in line with the vision of the Archbishops’ Commission on Housing, Church and Community, which argued that good housing should meet the following standard and be
“sustainable, safe, stable, sociable and satisfying”.
However, I have some concerns about the Bill as it stands. First, it ought to extend the decent homes standard to all temporary and asylum accommodation. While I celebrate the Government’s decision to introduce a clause extending its scope to temporary accommodation following a consultation, I note that this change will be at the discretion of the courts on a case-by-case basis. This extension should apply to dispersed accommodation for asylum seekers, which is currently managed by accommodation providers on behalf of the Home Office. In a debate last week, my right reverend friend the Bishop of Sheffield correctly identified the need to move from the use of hotels to accommodate asylum seekers to dispersed accommodation sites in communities. This will require local government to be properly funded to provide support services for asylum seekers, especially children, to enable integration into local schools and communities.
My Lords, I refer noble Lords to my entry in the register of interests. I thank all sides of this House for the welcome they have given me to the Lords. It has been a warm and gracious welcome, so thank you very much. I thank the offices of the Lord Speaker, Black Rod and the Clerk of the Parliaments, who worked with great professionalism to ensure that my introduction to this House went according to plan. I have discovered that the House of Lords is, like the House of Commons, a rabbit warren, only with red carpets. I therefore thank the doorkeepers for pointing me in the right direction.
I thank my noble friends Lady Smith of Basildon and Lord Kennedy of Southwark for their leadership. I pay tribute to my noble friends Lady Armstrong of Hill Top and Lord Hanson of Flint for sponsoring me. I have known my noble friend Lady Armstrong for almost 40 years. As MP for North West Durham, she introduced me to the House of Commons when I won the Sedgefield by-election. My noble friend Lord Hanson and I shadowed the Home Office between 2010 and 2015; my noble friend was the shadow Minister and I the shadow Whip. I remember us winning a couple of votes in Committee on one occasion—I emphasise that it was on only one occasion.
This year, 2025, is turning out to be an eventful one for the Wilson family. On 14 January, I became a grandfather for the third time, this time to a beautiful baby girl. On 20 January, I was introduced to this House, and, next month, my mother will celebrate her 100th birthday. Obviously a little tired after 100 years, mam is still as sharp as a pin and loves to reminisce. I will never forget how her face lit up when I told her I was to be a Member of the House of Lords. She leant forward in her chair, reached out for my hand and said: “And your dad was a miner”. Mam was born in 1925, in the colliery village of Fishburn, in County Durham. In 1925, this House was home to 26 Dukes, 29 Marquesses, 130 Earls and 73 Viscounts—none of them, as far as I am aware, the son or daughter of a coal miner.
My Lords, I warmly congratulate my noble friend on a powerful and very moving maiden speech.
My noble friend is known for being one of the “famous five”, a group of local Labour Party members who helped Tony Blair to be selected as a Labour candidate in 1983, as he indicated; the rest is history. My noble friend stepped into those very big shoes when he won the Sedgefield constituency, but he clearly showed that he could fill them. He was immensely proud, as he said, that he had been instrumental in bringing a Hitachi Rail factory to Newton Aycliffe.
The House will have realised how equally proud he is of his northern industrial heritage. A Sedgefield lad born and bred, he still lives in his constituency and he showed us the love that he has for it, for that heritage and for County Durham. However, he was too modest to say that he is working on a PhD on its culture and class issues. My noble friend’s background and solid life experiences will ensure that he makes a formidable contribution to this House. I know that he will be given a warm welcome.
I supported the previous Government when they sought to reform the private rented sector to the benefit of tenants, and I support my Government now in ensuring that reform happens. I was really disappointed that the Conservative Party has refused to support the legislation, when both pieces of legislation have the same aim. The Government have developed comprehensive protections for tenants and, at the same time, recognise the contribution made by responsible landlords who provide quality homes. It is clear that great care has been taken in the drafting of this Bill to avoid unintended consequences. Of course, there are ways in which the Bill can be improved, and we have been briefed by Citizens Advice and Shelter, as well as by several organisations representing different interests in the PRS and those involved in student housing, but all expressed general support for the Bill and its aims.
My Lords, I congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Wilson of Sedgefield, on his excellent maiden speech, its eloquence and his extraordinary personal story. This afternoon, behind the Bench of Bishops, we may have seen another constitutional function emerge in this House: the Bench of Blairites. I welcome the noble Lord and appreciate what he said about his predecessor as Member of Parliament. He also spoke eloquently about opportunity, and that is a test against which the measures in the Bill should be assessed.
I thank the Minister for her willingness to engage in discussions with all of us across the House. In her opening speech, she referred to genuine problems with the private rented sector, the difficulties for people in employment if they lose their accommodation and the incredible difficulties for parents with a child at school if they face the uncertainty of losing the place where they live. She ended by saying that she hoped this legislation would help tenants put down deeper roots in the community.
That was all very eloquent, but it revealed a way of thinking that simply does not reflect the reality of student accommodation, for which these concerns do not apply. There are over 1 million students in the private rented sector and a long-standing problem, preceding this Government, is that, although access to private rented accommodation has been crucial to the growth of higher education in this country, the housing department has never really understood higher education and the education department has never understood the importance of private housing. I fear that this legislation is an example of that phenomenon.
For example, students receive maintenance loans in three separate payments during the year. Many rents historically have been structured around the payment of maintenance loans. There is now an assumption of a monthly rental payment model and no scope for landlords to offer tenancies structured around maintenance loans. Have there been any conversations with the education department about changing arrangements for the payment of maintenance loans so that they match the envisaged new payments of rents? Those are the kinds of practical issues that matter and are acute if there is no understanding of the problems facing students.
5:03 pm
Lord Etherton (CB)
My Lords, I too congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Wilson of Sedgefield, on his impressive and, in many respects, quite moving speech. Before I turn to the two matters of substance on which I wish to address the House, I should draw attention to the fact that my husband has a small portfolio of rental properties.
First, I will briefly address the matter of court process. We all know that there will be many more contested possession proceedings by landlords following the enactment of the Bill and the abolition of Section 21 no-fault evictions. It would not be right to abolish no-fault evictions without adequate speed and resources for dealing with the increase in contested proceedings.
As the noble Baroness, Lady Scott of Bybrook, said, that might lead to such discontent on the part of small investors that they would be induced to leave the private rental sector. Any significant reduction in PRS accommodation would, as we all know, be disastrous at the present time. The Government need to demonstrate that measures have been or will be put in place which will help to secure that court claims by landlords for possession of residential properties will be disposed of in a timely and efficient way. I appreciate that the Government are well aware of this imperative and are thinking of how to address it. As the judge who had responsibility for the introduction of small money claims online, I would be very happy to give any assistance on this aspect that might be thought to be useful.
I turn now to the principal matter on which I wish to address the House, which is the issue of financial penalties. There are several respects in which the financial penalty provisions in the Bill are, I would say, wholly unsatisfactory. The penalties that can be imposed by a local housing authority for breaches of the requirements of the Bill fall into two categories: up to £7,000 and, in some cases, up to £40,000 where the local housing authority is satisfied that the landlord has committed a specified crime.
The first problem is the mishmash of the standard of proof where the penalty is £7,000 or less. The new Sections 16I, 16J, 16K and 16L, introduced into the Housing Act 1988 by Clause 17, which include prohibitions relating to the misuse of possession grounds and not giving a written statement of tenancy terms, enable the local housing authority to impose a penalty of £7,000 or less if satisfied “beyond reasonable doubt”—that is the criminal standard—that the landlord or other relevant person has contravened the prohibitions.
By contrast, Clause 42 provides that the local housing authority may impose a fine not exceeding £7,000 if, “on the balance of probabilities”—the civil standard—it is satisfied that there has been a breach of a rental discrimination measure relating to children and benefit status in Chapter 3 of Part 2 of the Bill. There is no explanation in the Explanatory Notes as to why this is a different standard of proof from that introduced in Clause 17.
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I know several noble Lords have raised concerns about the removal of fixed-term tenancies. To be clear, it is a core principle of this Bill, and this Government’s firm belief, that there is no place for fixed terms in the future assured tenancy system. Both landlords and tenants will benefit from a simpler system, with a single set of rights and responsibilities. Neither group should be locked into a fixed term if their circumstances change.
In designing the grounds, the Government took time to ensure the Bill works for everyone, including students. To meet this goal, a new possession ground has been created to allow landlords renting to students in HMOs to seek possession ahead of each new academic year, facilitating the yearly cycle of short-term student tenancies. To further protect the student market, private purpose-built student accommodation will be removed from the assured tenancy system in recognition of the limited market such accommodation focuses on, and the differences between purpose-built accommodation and “off-street” private housing rented to students. Providers must sign up to government-approved codes of practice, which will ensure homes are safe and good quality, to be removed from the assured tenancy system.
The Bill also makes changes to the system by which rent can be increased, preventing unscrupulous landlords from using unfair rent increases to evict tenants by the back door. Landlords will now be able to increase rents only once per year and they must do so through the Section 13 process. Tenants will be empowered to challenge egregious increases at the First-tier Tribunal, without fear of receiving a higher rent than the landlord initially intended.
To further support tenants trying to do the right thing, a mandatory repeated rent arrears ground will not be included in the Bill. We will also increase the mandatory threshold for eviction under the mandatory rent arrears ground from two to three months.
The Bill proposes new laws to end the cruel practice of rental bidding wars by landlords and letting agents. For too many tenants, rental bidding restricts their ability to make an informed choice about one of the most financially significant decisions they face. They are led to think they have found a property they can afford to rent, only to discover they would need to pay way over the asking price to secure it. Our reforms will end this practice for good. Landlords and letting agents will be required to publish an asking rent for their property and will then be prohibited from asking for, encouraging or accepting a higher offer.
Following amendment on Report in the Commons, the Bill will also limit the amount of rent in advance that a landlord can require after the tenancy has been signed but before the tenant has taken possession to a maximum of one month. That aside, landlords will no longer be able to include any terms in the tenancy agreement that have the effect of requiring rent to be paid prior to the rent due date. Tenants will retain the flexibility to make payments of rent in advance during the tenancy should they wish to do so. Taken together, these measures will prevent the small number of unscrupulous landlords setting tenants against each other or excluding altogether renters who are perfectly able to afford the monthly rent on a property.
Everyone in the private rented sector is entitled to a safe and decent home. This Bill will make it illegal for landlords and letting agents in England, Scotland and Wales to discriminate against tenants in receipt of benefits or because they have children. Local councils will have strong enforcement powers to tackle unlawful practices related to rental discrimination. Mortgage lenders and insurers will also no longer be able to impose restrictive discriminatory terms.
Pets can bring a huge amount of joy to people’s lives, and this cannot be restricted to those lucky enough to own their own home. We are committed to supporting responsible pet ownership in the private rented sector. The Bill will ensure that landlords do not unreasonably withhold consent when a tenant requests to have a pet in their home, with the tenant able to challenge unfair decisions. We know that some landlords are concerned about potential damage caused by pets. That is why the Bill will allow landlords to require insurance covering pet damage. I thank the noble Earl, Lord Kinnoull, and the noble Lords, Lord Trees and Lord de Clifford, for their fantastic expertise, which they have shared with us to ensure that these reforms will work as intended. We continue to work with them.
The decent homes standard, which applies only to the social rented sector, will apply to the private rented sector and be enforceable for the first time. This will ensure that privately rented homes are safe, secure and hazard free, tackling the blight of poor-quality homes. The Bill will also extend the application of Awaab’s law to the private rented sector, enabling the setting of clear legal expectations about the timeframes within which landlords must make homes safe when they contain serious hazards. We will launch a consultation on the content of the decent homes standard for social and privately rented homes in the coming months. We will also set out further information about the timescales for implementation in due course.
The Bill provides for the introduction of a new PRS landlord ombudsman service that will deliver quick, fair, impartial and binding resolutions for tenants whose landlords fail to resolve legitimate complaints. The ombudsman will support a number of the new measures the Bill introduces—for example, giving tenants further opportunity to escalate issues where a landlord has encouraged a bidding war or unreasonably refused a pet.
The Housing Ombudsman Service has extensive experience in tenant-landlord services and redress and is well placed to deliver streamlined redress for both private and social tenants. We said in opposition that we agreed with this approach, and we are still of that view. However, this is not a final decision. We will continue working to design the best possible service for users and, following a full value-for-money assessment, we will determine who is best placed to deliver a high- quality service.
This Bill also introduces a private rented sector database, through which tenants will be able to access information to inform choices when entering new tenancies. Landlords will be able to understand their obligations and demonstrate compliance, and local authorities will be able to use the database to target enforcement activity. We will continue to consider what information is necessary to collect to support more informed rental experiences for tenants, and to provide local authorities with a dataset which will support the enforcement of health and safety standards in the private rented sector.
The changes I have just mentioned have the potential to transform the experience of renting in England, but their success is contingent on effective enforcement. The Bill will strengthen local councils’ enforcement powers and introduce a new requirement for councils to report on enforcement activity. The Bill includes a staged enforcement framework for local authority enforcement. New maximum penalties of £7,000 and £40,000 will be introduced for initial or minor compliance and for serious, repeat or persistent non-compliance respectively.
The Bill will also significantly strengthen rent repayment orders. This will provide a stronger deterrent against non-compliance and further empower tenants to take action against landlords when they commit offences. More offences will be brought into the scope of rent repayment orders. Further changes include making sure superior landlords and company directors can be held liable, and doubling the maximum amount a landlord can be ordered to pay from one to two years’ rent. We are also doubling the period in which tenants and local authorities can apply for a rent repayment order and requiring repeat offenders to pay the maximum amount.
New investigatory powers will make it easier for councils to identify and fine unscrupulous landlords. Local authorities will be able to request information from third parties and enter business premises and—in much more limited circumstances—residential premises to gather evidence where required. The new powers contain safeguards to ensure that they are used appropriately and proportionately.
It is imperative that the reforms in the Bill can be handled by the courts and tribunals system; many noble Lords have expressed concerns about this and have raised them with me. I want to reassure noble Lords that we are working closely with the Ministry of Justice to ensure that the justice system is prepared for the implementation of this Bill. Most tenancies end without court proceedings being required, and the digitisation of the court possession process will make the process easier to navigate for landlords and tenants in those cases where they are. I will be meeting very soon with a number of noble Lords who have expressed interest in this digitisation process, and I look forward to that further engagement.
I know we all share a wish to see fairness and proportionality in any regulatory framework. We believe we have achieved that in our reforms, and I very much look forward to your Lordships’ scrutiny of the Bill. The Bill ensures that tenants can put down roots in their communities. They deserve to enjoy that stability, just as home owners do, and we should reward landlords who provide the excellent service that so many of them do. This will be the biggest change to the experience of renting in this country for generations. I believe the measures in the Renters’ Rights Bill are sufficiently comprehensive, robust and balanced to achieve that change, and give all tenants a better place to call home. I beg to move.
We recognise that some reform to our rental market was necessary to protect tenants from the abuse at the hands of rogue landlords, but it was always important to us that we balance the rights of tenants to live safely and peacefully in the homes they were renting with the rights of landlords, particularly with respect to their property rights.
The Government were trying to balance the see-saw, and I know we did not get everything right. Many felt that the measures introduced by the Bill went too far in favour of tenants and too far against the landlords in a way that would work to the detriment of the rental market, and I have sympathy with that. However, we listened to the concerns that were raised and we were making changes to the Bill as it progressed.
If the Renters (Reform) Bill did not quite balance the see-saw, the Renters Rights’ Bill tips it over. This is not the same Bill that the last Conservative Government introduced, and the Government are rushing it through without any care for the repercussions that will reverberate throughout the sector. Labour has abandoned our commitment to improvements in His Majesty’s Courts & Tribunals Service before abolishing Section 21 for existing tenancies, as well as our six-month implementation period before abolishing Section 21 for new tenancies. This means that our courts will not be resourced as they need to be. Labour has also abandoned our requirement for the Lord Chancellor to assess the courts’ possession processes before abolishing Section 21 for existing tenancies, which would have ensured that they were ready for the changes first.
Labour has abandoned our plans that would have stopped tenants being able to give notice during the first six months, to give landlords some predictability and protect them against tenants seeking to exploit these new arrangements for rolling tenancies such as holiday lets. Labour has abandoned our plans to make it easier to remove anti-social tenants, which we were changing from “likely” to cause a nuisance or annoyance to “capable” of doing so, making it much harder to evict those who deserve to be evicted. Labour has also abandoned our commitment to sufficiently carve out student accommodation, where it is essential that both landlords and tenants have the certainty of fixed-term contracts to plan for subsequent years.
Not only have the Government removed many of the safeguards and improvements for landlords that we put in the Bill but they have added many concerning measures of their own. They are increasing the mandatory eviction threshold for rent arrears from two months to three months, significantly increasing the loss incurred by landlords when a tenant is not paying for the property they are occupying. They are shortening the time limit for landlords to consider a pet, which we know to be a significant issue. They are rushing, in our opinion, the implementation for the private sector of Awaab’s law—a law that was designed for the social housing sector and that could have significant implications for smaller landlords if not implemented very carefully.
If that was not enough, Labour took the Bill even further, through the amendments it made in the House of Commons. It introduced amendments to include restricting the payment of rent in advance, which will hit most severely self-employed renters and those with bad credit ratings, where a landlord is now even less likely to want to take the risk on them. It introduced amendments requiring landlords to pay compensation to tenants when they possess their properties, burdening landlords with even more unfair costs, even if they have no choice but to take their property back and may have already spent a lot of money to do so.
Much has changed since the original Bill was introduced, and we must acknowledge the broader context that the Bill and the sector find themselves in. Landlords are leaving the rental sector at a higher rate than ever, with many citing rental reforms as their reason for leaving. Rightmove has estimated that 18% of homes up for sale were previously rented, compared with 8% in 2010. In London, where we know the problem in the rental market can be most acute, the situation is even worse: 29% of homes for sale in our capital city were previously rented out.
On top of this inflated package of rental reforms, landlords now have the minimum energy-efficiency standards to contend with. Ed Miliband, the Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero, is requiring all private and social rented homes to meet EPC C by 2030. The industry estimates that this could cost the sector £25 billion—an average of £5,400 per home. This is a cost that many landlords, particularly those with only one or two properties, just cannot take.
Of course, this is set against a backdrop of ever-increasing taxation from a Government who do not understand how our economy works. All these issues compound to make our country an unattractive, burdensome and expensive place to be a landlord, however fair and decent one might be to their tenants.
There is always a balance to be found with legislation, and in this case respect for property rights is essential for investment and stability. I would expect the risk of legal challenge on this Bill to be very high. There will certainly be a few interested parties queuing up to challenge the Government over the rights to their own property. If the Government are not careful, and continue with such an aggressive pursuit of landlords, there is a good chance that their Bill will get stuck in the courts and not be able to benefit anyone.
In Scotland, similar legislation has resulted in the highest rent increases in the United Kingdom because of demand far outstripping supply. The Nationwide Foundation found that 70% of landlords and letting agents lack confidence in the future of the sector. This has led to a significant reduction in rental stock, which has made it much more difficult and expensive for tenants, especially those on low incomes, to find a home. We must learn from Scotland’s mistakes.
There will always be people who want, or need, to rent rather than buy their home. We must ensure that there is a stable rental market for them, and we will do all we can to convince the Government to think carefully about how they proceed. We intend to table amendments to address some of the most pressing concerns, including: the capacity and operation of the courts; student landlords, who need certainty of length of tenure and other mutually agreeable fixed-term contracts; some exemptions for smaller landlords, who are less able to weather these changes; the availability of insurance for damage caused by pets; consideration of the property rights of landlords; and the impact on the housing market. We will pursue these amendments for the benefit of landlords and tenants alike, because we know what will happen if we do not.
The Government’s own impact assessment acknowledges that tenants will see increased costs as a result of their policies, saying
“it is likely that landlords will pass through some costs of new policies to tenants in the form of higher rents—to offset those costs and maintain a degree of profit”.
Surely the Government cannot want this, and I hope that they will listen to the concerns being raised by the sector and by many noble Lords across this House before it is too late.
in Vicky Spratt’s excellent book, Tenants, in which she outlines the ever-widening gaps between those who own and those who rent. All issues, from inequality to fuel poverty, mental and physical ill health, the cost of living and lack of social mobility, are impacted by insecurity of tenure—or a home that you simply cannot rely on. The direct link between being evicted as a tenant and homeless is well documented by, among others, the Local Government Association.
At the heart of this issue is lack of supply of suitable homes. We strongly support the Government’s ambitions to end homelessness, but that needs to be matched with greater ambition to build social and council homes for rent—150,000 per year, which was in our manifesto, along with a programme of insulation for all housing, a planning use change to control second homes and new powers for councils to halt right to buy based on local needs.
Of course, the elephant in the room with the private rented sector is rents, and we on these Benches regret the lack of progress on this issue. Although we welcome the ban on bidding wars, which in turn drive up rent, this Bill still does not deal with the chronic levels of rent increases. Private rent inflation may have slowed down, but it is still rising faster than the CPI. The Renters’ Reform Coalition, which I thank for its briefing, rightly highlights that this will continue to leave open significant increases in rent as a means to evict. As the Renters’ Reform Coalition makes clear, England’s rents as a share of disposable income are some of the highest in Europe, with two-thirds of in-work private renters struggling to pay. This Government’s housebuilding plans will not change the supply crisis for years and will not fix this rent problem. Amendments by our Liberal Democrat colleague Gideon Amos MP linked rent rises to the Bank of England base rate, and we will look at options, such as the CPI or national wage growth, in Committee.
Given the poor condition of so many private lets, with the 2023-24 English Housing Survey highlighting that the private rented sector has the highest proportion of non-decent dwellings at 21%, we welcome the extension of the decent homes standard and the introduction of Awaab’s law across the PRS. However, we have significant concerns about enforcement, which other colleagues will elaborate on. Likewise, we welcome the protections for renters who are on benefits and those with children.
Instability in this area cannot be overstated, given that a quarter of all private renters have lived in three or more homes in the past five years. Therefore, we welcome the 12-month protected period at the start of new tenancies, and we will continue to explore the possibility of another extended period of tenancy guaranteed as an incentive to landlords to build to rent.
We will look to improve the Bill—for example, by supporting those who serve the whole nation in our military and give the ultimate service. In the previous Parliament, our colleague Helen Morgan MP campaigned to ensure that MoD housing was included under decent homes. The Kerslake commission report, Homes Unfit for Heroes, commissioned by John Healey MP, lays bare how poor the standards are. I ask the Minister to let us know the possibility of including service accommodation in this Bill. We live in an uncertain world, and putting our Armed Forces and their families into shoddy and inadequate housing, which impacts health and morale, is a failure of our duty to them.
Finally, my noble friend Lady Thornhill will lead us in our attempts to improve and expand the database. The majority of landlords that we know about—the ones that will participate in this debate or have briefed us—are the ones we can see and who will immediately join the database and ombudsman scheme. They, like the majority of tenants, are responsible landlords—but we know so little. It is the landlords we cannot see about whom we have limited knowledge, information and transparency. A database can be either a tick-box exercise or a significant game-changer on this. I hope the Bill progresses and that it will be the latter.
Tonight, as we speak, a primary school child will be in their third rental in a year and will know the insecurity no child should have to bear: health-defining, future-defining and life-defining. We owe it to that future generation to get this right, but to do it soon.
Of course, an expansion of provision by councils and housing associations through the building of new homes is an essential part of the Government’s plans for constructing 1.5 million homes during the course of this Parliament, but as well as a substantial new-build social housing programme, this seems an important moment to promote the purchase and modernisation of previously privately rented property to house those on lower incomes. If there are more sales of privately rented properties, and if strong enforcement of the Bill’s new measures deters purchase by less scrupulous landlords, then the opportunity—indeed, the necessity—to switch property to restock the much-diminished provision by social landlords will emerge.
Some local authorities are already active in bringing PRS rentals, including former right-to-buy private rentals, into the social housing sector, not least to provide temporary accommodation for homeless families. Buying privately rented property can achieve a speedy solution to urgent, immediate housing problems, while also being there in perpetuity as genuinely affordable, secure accommodation. This is where the housing associations of the 1960s and 1970s came in, buying and modernising the properties of Mr Rachman and his like.
It is important to note that, sometimes, owner-occupiers will step in and do up the property. No doubt some sales will transfer the homes to larger landlords, who can achieve some economies of scale and introduce professional management. However, high interest rates and the less favourable tax arrangements now in place may inhibit these buyers. For sure, local authorities will need to be on their guard to prevent property acquisitions by rogue landlords who do not intend to comply with the new environment introduced by the Bill.
How can transfers to social lettings be achieved when this legislation is enacted? I suggest that the Government look at an exemption from capital gains tax for the sales of properties from private landlords to social landlords. Such support would pay for itself in reducing the need for ever-rising housing benefit payments. Such an incentive could propel the rebalancing between sectors after so many years of decline for social housing. If the PRS were to continue to shrink by about 2% annually, the outcome could be positive, with both an additional 500,000 home owners and 500,000 more social tenancies.
In conclusion, I look forward to raising some specific issues in Committee, including the regulation of lettings agents, the constraints on switching long-term lets to short-term letting, the content of the new property register and the basis for in-tenancy rent increases. For now, I welcome the positive contribution that the Bill will make.
I am also concerned about discretionary grounds for eviction, which could affect, for instance, tenants who are terminally ill. I welcome the opportunity the Bill provides to explore what are the remaining grounds for possession, where they need not be mandatory.
Finally, I turn to the topic of tied accommodation. I thank the Minister for her engagement with these Benches regarding the Bill’s implications for those in occupational tied accommodation, a concept which is well-defined in law. As the Bill progresses, I anticipate that there will be need for further conversations to ensure that charitable retirement housing schemes for those who spend their working life in tied accommodation are not inadvertently prejudiced.
My dad was brought up in Trimdon, another colliery village, just to the north of Fishburn, and my parents left school on the eve of the Second World War. Ambition and aspiration were restricted primarily to three occupations for men in those villages at that time: work on a farm, go down the pit, or join the Army. Dad’s first job was on a farm. Since he was in a reserved occupation, he joined the Home Guard, and would pick up his rifle and three rounds of ammunition from the vicarage to fend off any potential Nazi invasion. On 30 August 1939, his elder brother joined the Royal Artillery. Evacuated from Dunkirk, he would eventually see service behind the beaches of Normandy with the second battalion of the SAS. He was our rogue hero.
Careers for women in those villages at that time were also rare. Mam worked during the war in a fish shop in Billingham, on Teesside, and she still regales the family with how it was in old money: 1p for a bag of chips and threepence for a fish. Every night, the blitz came to Billingham. Every night, she took to the bomb shelter or hid under her neighbour’s reinforced kitchen table as the Nazis tried to destroy the town. By the time my parents married, dad was working down the pit, and he did so for the best part of 40 years. I grew up one of two sons on a council estate in Trimdon. It was a close-knit community.
I joined the Labour Party many years ago because I believe in ambition and aspiration. There is plenty of talent around, but opportunity for all is scarce. Equality of opportunity is central to a just society: an education that takes you as far as you want to go, a job which enriches your life and that of society, a society in which you are looked after when you are ill and where you live in a home not just a house, and where we all understand that the first duty of government is to defend the nation.
I had the privilege of representing Sedgefield for 12 years. The constituency had moved on from being a mining constituency. The area that was once the Sedgefield constituency boasts, at Newton Aycliffe, one of the largest business parks in the north-east. I am proud of the part that I played in ensuring that Hitachi Rail built its train manufacturing plant in the constituency, situated just a few hundred yards from where George Stephenson assembled Locomotion No. 1 some 200 years ago this September. I wanted to make sure that the opportunities that were not there for my parents were there for my constituents.
The 2019 election was a defeat for me and a defeat for Labour. That election was dire for the country. The electorate was confronted with a choice of Prime Minister which was not a choice between the lesser of two evils, as many thought, but was in fact, I am afraid, a choice between the evil of two lessers. It was a torrid time, but I am pleased and proud that Keir Starmer has turned Labour into a party that is once again serious about government—so serious in fact that we have formed a Government only five years after a massive defeat.
Of course, Tony Blair was my predecessor, and his leadership galvanised Labour to victory. I first met him in the bar of the Trimdon Community College at the time of his selection as Sedgefield’s Labour candidate in 1983, and I went on to work for him for many years. Tony had a big smile, big charisma and big ideas. However, so dreadful were Labour’s prospects in 1983 that, if you had said to me back then that Tony Blair would go on to form a Government that would keep the Conservatives out of power for 13 years and win three consecutive general elections, I would have replied, “Go away, pick up a pen and write a novel. You’ve a great imagination”. If you had said to me back then that I would be relaying this story in my maiden speech in the House of Lords, I would have replied, “I think that you have being drinking one too many pints down the Labour club”.
I want to end by returning to my granddaughter. Because of medical advancements, she will probably reach her centenary in 2125. What kind of world will it be? Will my granddaughter be able to afford to buy her own house, or will she only be able to afford to rent? Will she live in a society where we understand that we can go faster alone but only go further together? Will she live in a society where free speech is not just opinion but based in fact and founded on truth? Will our generation prevent another world war, so that my grandchildren can live to become grandparents themselves? Will the worst effects of climate change be stopped, or will it not even be safe for her to venture outside? In 2125, will there still be hereditary Peers in the House of Lords?
The task for us all, especially this Government, is to face the challenges that are moulding the 21st century, with all its contradictions, tragedies and opportunities, and to do so with belief, imagination and fortitude. Our responsibility is huge: to protect all that we believe in—human rights, democracy, the rule of law, equality of opportunity and our way of life. This Government need to be successful for the country and for the sake of all our grandchildren. It is my ambition and aspiration to ensure that I play my part in that.
I believe this legislation has the power to transform the private rented sector into a place where tenants can access safe and decent properties at a fair price in the knowledge that, unless their landlord has good reason, it is a place they can call home for as long as they like. It also presents an opportunity for the vast majority of good landlords to establish longer-term tenancies and to show that the minority of bad ones have no place in the sector.
In the Bill, there are issues about the Courts & Tribunal Service, the removal of fixed-term tenancies and enforcement capacity—to name only some aspects. In the time we have, I will focus on a few: first, the impact on social landlords; secondly, the new ombudsman and the role of agents in helping to get that right; and, thirdly, student accommodation. If we are truly to solve the housing emergency, we need to deliver the complementary goals of increased supply and stronger regulation that will ensure that homes are built and maintained at a high standard. This Bill is key to the second half of that equation.
In the social housing sector, it is clear that much has been done by the Government already to allow social landlords to gain access to properties in need of essential redevelopment and improvement works. Regeneration can restore pride in communities and in places that have been left behind, so I am pleased that changes in this legislation will not impede housing-led regeneration and redevelopment.
I know there are concerns that some of the proposed changes to rent increases might impact on social landlords’ ability to increase rents in a harmonised way and affect their ability to deliver repairs and maintenance. There are also concerns about accessing the First-tier Tribunal. I hope the Minister will be willing to meet the National Housing Federation to discuss these.
I turn now to the very welcome proposal for a new ombudsman for the private rented sector, and I declare an interest as the chair of the Property Ombudsman scheme—TPO. It is right that all renters, whether in social or private rented housing, can access quick, fair, impartial and binding resolutions for complaints about their landlord. Can the Minister clarify whether a PRS ombudsman would apply to social landlords’ market rent tenancies?
In the private rented sector, TPO has been dealing with complaints against letting and managing agents for over 20 years. It dealt with 70,000 inquiries last year. That has taught us that tenants’ complaints often include not just the agents but the decisions and actions of their landlords as well. For example, where there is a cost to repair a property, landlords need to authorise payments and instruct agents to carry out the work. From a tenant’s point of view, the agent and the landlord are one and the same, so letting agents will have an important role in delivering the objectives of the legislation.
Whether the decision be that there is one combined ombudsman for the PRS and social housing sector or two separate ombudsmen, it needs to be clear that the purpose of the ombudsman is to provide clarity to tenants on where to go for redress. This will be a new concept for the 50% of PRS landlords who do not employ agents. Can the Minister provide some clarity on how they will be engaged with the process?
I welcome the proposed landlord database. Agents will be required to use the database to check whether the properties that landlords ask them to market are registered as well as that the landlord is registered with the new PRS ombudsman. Can the Minister please clarify whether the database is intended to be a one-stop shop that agents and tenants can use to check the property is registered and compliant and that the landlord is registered for redress?
It is a complex area, with the potential for tenants to find themselves lost and frustrated. A lettings dispute can involve on average five different unresolved issues. Will the Minister consider how the database could be developed to help tenants triage multiple issues to ensure that serious hazards are referred to local authorities, landlord issues are directed to the new ombudsman, agent issues are referred to the Property Ombudsman and rent issues are appointed to the First-tier Tribunal?
Joint investigations will be required and both ombudsmen will need to be able to refer cases to local authorities for enforcement, especially when homes fall short of the decent homes standard and Awaab’s law. Just as the Property Ombudsman now works with redress providers and trading standards, a joined-up approach will be required to ensure that the new system works for both tenants and landlords.
I raise a final issue: the impact of the Bill on student housing. The Government have said that they will exempt purpose-built student accommodation from the decision to end fixed-term tenancy agreements. They subsequently included off-street accommodation, where most students live in their second and third years. Unfortunately, as far as I understand it—although it was not clear from the Minister’s introduction—this will not apply to one- and two-bedroom apartments, yet these account for a third of all student housing. The university sector believes that this is likely to cause confusion and disruption for students and could lead to landlords exiting this market because of the uncertainties. If that is the case, will the Minister agree to look at this again?
This is a complex Bill that will have an interesting Committee stage, but I assure the Minister that the organisation that I chair—the Property Ombudsman—is ready to offer its substantial experience of the PRS to help ensure that the Bill works for tenants, landlords and agents.
Students have genuine grievances. At the All-Party Group for Students last week, all of us from both Houses were left in no doubt about their unhappiness, which was sometimes about the quality of student accommodation and sometimes about the role of guarantors, for example. But few believe that the Government’s proposals, as they stand, will make these problems significantly better. Indeed, there is a danger of landlords exiting the system.
The Government have already made some welcome concessions. First, there is the exemption for purpose-built student accommodation. This is estimated to cover about half a million students out of the 1.2 million in private rented accommodation. It is the most expensive and is heavily regulated—quite rightly. There are significant constraints on its supply and on its further provision.
We have recently had the famous ground 4A exemption, which means that landlords can repossess a rented property in advance of the new academic year. This applies to landlords of HMOs with three or more bedrooms. As the noble Baroness, Lady Warwick, said, this does not cover the many smaller landlords of smaller student accommodation with one or two bedrooms.
It is estimated that, of the 1.2 million students in the private rented sector, half a million or so are in purpose-built accommodation. There may be another 300,000 or 400,000 in the larger HMOs, and there could well be 200,000 to 300,000 in the smaller private landlord arrangements for which there is currently no special recognition. Will the Minister consider, for example, extending this exemption beyond large HMOs to all private landlords?
More radically, will the Minister consider the case for continuing to allow 12-month academic year tenancies —a system which has worked well overall? Does she recognise that there are other risks with some of the provisions in the Bill? For example, upfront payments may now be much harder to require. However, there will be the increased use of guarantors. Requiring a guarantor for a student from a low-income background is very tough, as is requiring a UK guarantor for an overseas student.
Perhaps the housing department is fed up with special pleading on behalf of students, but I think the crucial criterion is one of opportunity, as we heard in that excellent maiden speech. In the purpose-built accommodation—PBA—the rents for students average about £190 a week, in contrast with about £130 a week charged by small private landlords. We could end up with a system where the more expensive accommodation sector grows and is exempt. By and large, this is more expensive and occupied by the affluent students. In future, low-income students might find it harder to access the diminishing amount of lower-rent accommodation. Maybe they are supposed to stay at home and become commuter students. Some people want to see that. A very good social rule of thumb is that the more affluent someone’s family and the higher their social class, the greater the distance they go away to university. The low-income students will be staying at home and commuting, while the students from affluent backgrounds will pay high rents in high-quality, purpose-built accommodation a long way from home. If we end up with this, it will not be meeting the opportunity challenge. I very much hope the Minister will accept that her proposals need to be assessed as to whether or not they promote educational opportunity in our country.
Again, Clause 59 allows a local authority to impose a financial penalty on a person if satisfied “on the balance of probabilities”—the civil standard—that the person has breached the requirement in Clause 58 that an advertisement or offer must include a specific amount of rent payable under the letting and impose a prohibition against inviting, encouraging or accepting an offer of rent which exceeds the proposed rent. Again, in contrast, a local housing authority may impose a financial penalty of £7,000 or less only if satisfied “beyond reasonable doubt”—the criminal standard—that the person has breached an obligation under regulations for landlord redress schemes.
These are sufficient examples, although there are others, of the Bill specifying different standards of proof for the same level of financial penalty, £7,000 or less, without explanation either in the legislation or in the Explanatory Notes of the reason for this. One has to question whether the employees of a local housing authority, who have no legal training and no criminal trial experience, can properly and accurately swing from one standard of proof to another.
The Bill will provide for local housing authorities to impose a higher fine of £40,000 if satisfied that a relevant offence has been committed. This is the case, for example, in relation to the new provisions introduced by Clause 17 of the Bill, which I have just mentioned, and the provisions concerning financial redress schemes, which I also mentioned.
It is not right for the employees of a local housing authority who have no legal training and no criminal trial experience to be free to impose a financial penalty of larger sums—up to £40,000—on their assessment of whether the ingredients of a criminal offence had been committed. A good example of the dangers of this is the ability of a local housing authority to impose a financial penalty of up to £40,000 where it is satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that an offence has been committed under Section 16 of the 1988 Act, where the landlord relies on a ground in Schedule 2, knowing that they would not be able to obtain an order for possession on that ground or being reckless as to whether they would be able to do so.
Another example is the power of a local housing authority under Clause 92 to
“impose a financial penalty on a person if satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that the person has … committed an offence under section 93 … of knowingly or recklessly providing information to the database operator which is false or misleading in a material respect in purported compliance with a requirement imposed by regulations under Chapter 3 of Part 2”.
The mental state of “recklessness” in criminal law is an extremely difficult one and has given rise to case law. It is something less than intention but more blameworthy than carelessness. Recklessness will arise if the accused consciously—that is, looking at the matter subjectively—takes an unjustified risk. Such difficult concepts should play no part in this legislation, which will mostly affect landlords who own one or, at most, very few properties for rent.
It should certainly not be left to local authority employees to reach their own conclusion on the application of “recklessness” in criminal law. The only state of mind that should be capable of giving rise to an offence under the Bill is “intention”—that is to say, actual knowledge or actual intention of the landlord to do the matters comprising the ingredients of the offence. That is clear, easy to understand and fair. It is what good legislation should be.