My Lords, I am grateful that time has been allocated to this debate and I look forward to the range of contributions, as well as to the Minister’s response.
I declare my personal interest in the subject. I come originally from Iran; I was born in the beautiful and historic city of Isfahan and I left as a teenager, with my family, following the impact of the Islamic revolution on the small Anglican Church community of which we were a part and, in particular, the attempt on my father’s life and the murder of my 24 year-old brother.
As I have said before in this Chamber, none of this has left me with ill will towards my homeland, but rather a profound sense of sadness at its current plight. I retain a deep love for Iran, its beauty and ancient civilization, and I have great respect for my fellow countryfolk, many of whom suffer in an increasingly intolerable situation or find themselves part of the growing diaspora community. I still hope one day to travel back to Iran, but for now this is not possible because of the current regime.
Many in Iran feel trapped. They are desperately seeking political change, but they face stark choices: submit to the unbearable strictures imposed on everyday life, attempt to leave or risk the realities of brutal and crushing suppression. The situation is intolerable, under a regime that has persecuted, imprisoned, tortured and killed so many people.
Noble Lords will be aware of the plight of Craig and Lindsay Foreman. I am sure that His Majesty’s Government are doing all they can to secure their release. As this is an extremely sensitive situation, I will refrain from commenting on their case further, other than to say that my thoughts and prayers are with the Foremans and their family at this difficult time. Unfortunately, the Foremans are not the first foreign or dual nationals to be held captive in Iran, and I fear they will not be the last.
While the Government’s travel advice is clear, I ask the Minister whether anything more can be done to communicate this advice to those working in the travel sector, so that they can advise prospective travellers of the very real risks.
I respectfully ask the Minister if he is willing to acknowledge the reality that these detainees are, to all intents and purposes, hostages. Let us call this situation out for what it is; other countries such as France are willing to do so. I cannot help thinking that the more that European and other countries speak, as well as act, with one voice, the greater the pressure on Iran to change its approach.
There are many foreign or dual nationals languishing in Iran’s jails, typically arrested on spurious allegations and denied access to a fair and free trial, contrary to international law. There have been at least 66 foreign individuals detained—held hostage—by Iranian authorities since 2010, 16 of whom had either British or dual nationality. The highly unjust detention of Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe was testament to Iran’s disregard for human rights and it exemplified the callous and cruel way in which the regime continues to treat foreigners, as well as its own citizens.
My Lords, I thank the right reverend Prelate for securing this debate and for her introduction to it. As she said, she has very personal knowledge of this regime. As she knows, I knew her brother when we were both students together. I remember still his return to Iran, thinking that he was safe.
It was with a sinking heart that I heard about these new cases in Iran. The battles that we had over Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, who was wrongly detained for so many years, seemed to go on for ever. I am sure that she and her family thought the same. It was very clear that Iran was using her as a pawn—a hostage—to secure what it wished. The same was clearly true of Anoosheh Ashoori, as it was for citizens of other countries. And, as the right reverend Prelate has said, those in Iran are themselves under great pressure. We are glad that both of our dual nationals were finally released, but they lost years of their lives. We were always told that publicity did not help and to leave this to the diplomats, but it was Richard Ratcliffe’s efforts that brought his wife home.
It seems we do not know how many British nationals, including dual nationals, are being detained in Iran. However, as the right reverend Prelate said, over 60 foreign and dual nationals may have been detained there since 2010, 16 of whom apparently had British or dual British nationality. Could the Minister update us on the numbers of British citizens the Government believe are currently detained there?
The Iranians standardly accuse those whom they have detained of spying. Now we have the cases of Craig and Lindsay Foreman—tourists who trusted that they could safely explore the wonders of Iran on their journey to Australia. The FCDO rightly advises against such travel; one supposes that people may think that they are just ordinary citizens and that the Iranians are friendly people, so surely they will be of no interest to the country’s leaders, but innocent citizens can still be seen as useful pawns to such a regime.
My Lords, I thank my right reverend friend the Bishop of Chelmsford for tabling this debate and for the sensitive way in which she has introduced it. I add to hers my best wishes and prayers for the Foremans, their family and friends, and my thanks to the Minister and all those officials who are working so hard behind the scenes in the FCDO. I also extend my thanks to the ambassador in Tehran and to all those working at the embassy there. I am sure they are doing all they can to resolve this desperately sad situation.
Picking up on some of the comments that the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, has just made, I welcome the Government’s plan to create a special envoy for complex detention cases. Recent events have only highlighted the need for further support for British nationals detained overseas, and I look forward to hearing further details about this. The legal right to consular access promised in the Labour Party manifesto has already been referred to. When do the Government intend to introduce this? It would be an important, crucial step in strengthening the protection for British nationals detained abroad.
My colleague knows far better than me—indeed, she knows personally—the suffering of those under the Iran regime. In 2024, there were at least 901 executions, including 40 in a single week in December. There has been an increased number of women being executed. The use of the death penalty and of politically motivated executions is truly harrowing. Recently, I raised with His Majesty’s Government the cases of six Iranian men accused of “armed rebellion against the state”, all of whom have been sentenced to death. I also urge the Minister and his colleagues to do all they can to intervene in the cases of Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hassani, who are at imminent risk of execution.
Broader issues of nuclear weapons and armaments are not my area of expertise at all, but what I have seen and heard recently regarding China’s support of Iran’s rearmament has caused me deep concern. An increasingly desperate Iranian regime is an increasingly dangerous one. It is facing civil unrest at home, the defeat of Hezbollah and setbacks because of Israel. It is critical that we take steps to prevent Iran’s nuclear escalation, including stricter sanctions on Iranian oil shipments to China.
My Lords, I congratulate the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Chelmsford on securing this important debate and on her clear exposition of the problems facing Britons in Iran, whether they be British-Iranian dual nationals or British nationals. It is a pleasure to follow the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of St Albans. He has slightly broadened the debate, but it is utterly relevant that he has done so.
The right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Chelmsford spoke movingly of her own family’s experience of her brother’s death, the threat to life and having to flee the current regime in Iran. During the last 45 years, that regime has doubled down on its infamous and bloody approach to human rights.
As chair of the human rights committee for Liberal International, last week I attended the opening meeting of the UN Human Rights Committee and, the following day, the annual Geneva Summit for Human Rights and Democracy, where we heard of many of the appalling practices of the Iranian Government, with moving testimony from the sister of Mahmoud Mehrabi. Mahmoud was sentenced to death in Isfahan for “corruption on earth through lies on Instagram” because he called out corruption by local officials. Mahan Mehrabi cited the 1,500 Iranians shot in three days during the November demonstrations, with thousands imprisoned and, like her brother, sentenced to death. We also heard of children aged 15 being sentenced to death and executed, which is clearly illegal under international law.
I start with these examples to reinforce the point that the Iranian treatment of British nationals is not, sadly, out of character with their barbaric human rights record. Worse, it is clear from evidence over the years that their behaviour of arresting foreign nationals and accusing them of spying is a standard tool for state kidnapping of foreigners in order to use them to blackmail other countries.
In that context, the most recent detention of Craig and Lindsay Foreman is another egregious detention on security charges and is depressingly familiar. Iran claims that, despite them saying they were tourists, they were spying. While I appreciate that the Foreign Office’s strong official advice is against all travel to Iran because British nationals and British-Iranian dual nationals are at
My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow my noble friend in a debate where only Bishops and Liberals have spoken so far. I am not sure that has ever happened before during my 12 years in this House. Therefore, it has been a very high-quality debate in my humble opinion. I commend the right reverend Prelate for bringing this debate to us.
I had the pleasure of being in my place during the right reverend Prelate’s maiden speech, when she spoke so powerfully of her family background and of the contemporary situation within Iran. It is absolutely right that this remains part of our proceedings and is at the top of our mind. With the tumultuous events happening in the world, we should not forget that there are, as she put it, whole swathes of people who are trapped, imprisoned politically and literally by a regime that denies the very basic human rights that we in this country take for granted.
I commend my noble friend Baroness Brinton for her work within the global network. I am convinced that, even though many young people in Iran see a regime where there is for them perhaps little hope, they will know that there are people around the world who are listening to their struggle, are watching the regime and ultimately will take action. It is therefore right that the Minister has been asked a number of questions about what actions the Government will be taking.
The right reverend Prelate the Bishop of St Albans was right to refer to the extreme use of the death penalty. There is unanimity in this House on opposition to the death penalty, but the extreme nature of it should focus all democratic Parliaments around the world on those who are unable to defend themselves in a very flawed judicial process.
We have debated on a number of occasions the malign involvement of Iran in its near neighbourhood, more recently within the Red Sea and the Middle East but also in north Africa and—an issue very close to my heart—in Sudan. We see on a daily basis the regime seeking to destabilise and to interfere in other nations.
My Lords, I thank the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Chelmsford for bringing forward this important and timely debate, and I join with other noble Lords in congratulating her on her speech, which was informative and personal in so many different ways.
First and foremost, let us remember that it is our duty as a nation and a society to safeguard the freedoms, safety and well-being of our citizens wherever they may be in the world. In recent years, Iran has arrested dozens of Iranians with dual nationality or foreign permanent residency, mostly on spying and national security charges. At least 15 have had links to the United Kingdom. However, the most recent detentions are particularly concerning.
The Iranian regime has, as we are all too aware, a long-standing history of violating human rights. The imprisonment of innocent British citizens is a blatant example of such behaviour. These individuals are often detained on politically motivated charges, subjected to appalling conditions and denied their basic rights. Such actions must not be tolerated, and we must act with urgency to secure their release.
Although we cannot ignore the broader geopolitical context—the challenges posed, for example, by Iran’s nuclear ambitions, its role in destabilising the Middle East and its continued support of militant groups across the region—we must be resolute in our commitment to ensuring the safety and security of our citizens. We must also recognise that this issue is not just about diplomacy; it is about standing firm in our values. As a nation, we believe in the principles of justice, freedom and human dignity. When British citizens are wrongfully detained by a foreign Government, especially one that continue to undermine basic human rights, it is our duty to do everything we can to secure their release.
We must also ask ourselves whether stronger or more assertive actions are needed to send a clear message to Tehran that the arbitrary detention of British citizens will not be tolerated. If we are to ensure that those detained are returned to their families, we must consider all avenues. The Government must continue to press for the release of these citizens, and we as a Parliament must stand united in this call for justice. The United Kingdom has long been a champion of the rule of law and the rights of individuals across the world. It is incumbent on us to ensure that those principles are upheld at every opportunity.
My Lords, I too am grateful to the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Chelmsford for securing this debate and for her personal reflections on her birthplace. I was also moved by her contribution on “Desert Island Discs”, which reflected on some of those issues and what a wonderful country Iran is. Sadly, it is being distorted by its current Government.
I am grateful for contributions from all noble Lords, many of whom have developed deep knowledge of this area, not least, as the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, said, in joint campaigns with Richard Ratcliffe, working together to ensure Nazanin’s release.
I will try to respond to all the points raised. As noble Lords are aware, Iran has a long history of seeking to exploit the detention of British and other foreign nationals. The regime’s actions sit within a wider set of malign behaviours—not least its continued repression of women and girls, human rights defenders and religious and ethnic minorities. Religious minorities, including Baha’is, Christians and Sunni Muslims, suffer discrimination in law and practice. This includes discrimination in access to education, employment, child adoption, political office and places of worship.
The Baha’i community continues to face arbitrary arrests, land expropriation and denial of burial rights, while Christians, as the right reverend Prelate said, face shocking sentencing and ongoing incarceration for the act of practising their faith. Iran must allow every individual their right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief, in accordance with its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
Since October 2022, we have sanctioned 94 individuals and entities for their human rights violations, including—to reassure the noble Lord, Lord Purvis—decision-makers responsible for Iran’s oppressive hijab laws and political and security officials involved in the crackdown on protesters. The United Kingdom’s dedicated Special Envoy on Freedom of Religion or Belief, David Smith, leads our work to promote tolerance and mutual respect.
I am very grateful to the Minister for giving way. On the use of language, could he say a bit more about the reluctance to call this out for what it is and to refer to hostage taking, when other European countries are willing to do so?
I do not want to be drawn into using language that might be considered to refer to specific cases. I want to avoid that at this moment in time but, having signed the Canadian declaration, we are clear about the growth of this policy of state detention for those sorts of purposes.
In conclusion, supporting British nationals detained in Iran will remain an absolute priority for this Government, alongside advising against travel to Iran to prevent such incidents. We will continue to strengthen our consular support globally and, most importantly, we will work together with our international partners to build and sustain the international consensus against the use of detainees as leverage for other purposes.
I have learned so much about tenacity, honesty, devotion and dignity from Richard Ratcliffe’s fight for his wife’s release, and from Nazanin herself since her return. I pay tribute to them both and thank them for their friendship. As much as I welcomed HMG’s efforts in that case, the long and painful process illustrated that securing the release of nationals or dual nationals is never straightforward.
Religious minorities are also systematically persecuted in Iran, and religious freedom is severely curtailed for everyone except Persian-speaking Shias. Having said that, basic civil and political restrictions impact the vast majority of the population, Shia or not, but Christians who have converted from Islam are among the most vulnerable to persecution. They are regularly arrested and can face lengthy imprisonment on bogus charges of acting against national security. I am also acutely aware that the now tiny Anglican community in Iran has still not been allowed to reopen its church buildings since they were closed during the pandemic. The pressure and the uncertainty about their future grow daily, even as numbers continue to dwindle.
Although this is not just a debate about religious freedom, it is incumbent on all of us to stand up, speak out and defend the freedom of religion or belief wherever we can. This freedom is essential for individuals and societies to flourish, and it is the cornerstone on which all human rights are supported. In a dangerous world, Iran presents a threat from many angles—threats that reach out across the globe and affect British national security. The longer the regime stays in power, the longer it can carry on suppressing its own people and being a destabilising presence in the Middle East and more widely.
I urge the Government to work as much as they can in harmony with other nations who also have hostages held in Iran to campaign for the release of all foreign and dual nationals currently in Iranian jails and to champion that which unites us: belief in democracy, freedom and tolerance. I understand that the Minister will not be able to comment in detail, but can he reassure the House that HMG will do everything they can to make sure that they are represented at the Foremans’ forthcoming trial? It is a right of any Government under international law, but one which Iran has been known to deny.
I am very grateful to have been able to highlight this case today and to discuss the plight of all those experiencing oppression in Iran. I pray for the release of all British and dual nationals who have been arbitrarily arrested in Iran and for all those who are suffering oppression because of the regime. I pray too for better days ahead for Iran and Iranians.
The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has considered several cases in recent years, identifying “systemic arbitrary detention” in Iran and describing this as
“a serious violation of international law”.
We know that Iran has been under serious pressure in the current Middle East conflict, as have its proxies in neighbouring areas. Seizing innocent citizens of other countries may seem an easy way of securing leverage.
I ask the Minister for an update on the Canadian-led initiative, which we have discussed before and he was involved in, which seeks to tackle such hostage-taking by regimes. I note that this has now been endorsed by 80 countries, but what actions are recommended and what strategies are proposed? There is always the tension that ransoms paid, in whatever way, can encourage further taking of hostages. Other countries, though, go about the release of their citizens differently from how the UK approaches it.
When we were talking about Nazanin’s case, as the Minister will doubtless remember, there was discussion of the use of Magnitsky sanctions against individuals who played a part in her detention. Without going into particular sanctions, is this a route he still regards with favour? We knew that the revolutionary guard drove the taking of such hostages; what is the present Government’s view of the revolutionary guard?
As the cases dragged on in Iran, the Foreign Affairs Select Committee inquired in 2023 into such hostage-taking. It criticised the then Government for being
“too slow—or entirely unwilling—to call out countries guilty of state hostage taking”.
Among other things, it recommended the appointment of a director of arbitrary and complex detentions to advocate for detainees and their families. The then Government rejected this proposal. However, the new Government, in their manifesto, stated that they would strengthen support for British nationals abroad. They also promised to introduce a new legal right to consular assistance in cases of rights violations, which Redress and Prisoners Abroad have advocated. Can the Minister tell us when this will be introduced?
In November last year, the Foreign Secretary said that he hoped to announce the appointment of a special envoy for complex detention cases. However, he could not give a date for this. Several months on, will the Minister, facing this debate, now announce this?
Clearly, in the latest case, because these are not dual nationals, the UK should be able to get consular access, which Iran denies to dual nationals. Is that being granted?
We are in a world where the allies on whom we thought we could rely are now allying with those whom we identify as a threat to global stability. It is a topsy-turvy world, except that this is perhaps too warm a description. As international order is under threat, our citizens, as well as the national citizens of Iran who we have heard about, are potentially at greater risk. I look forward to the Minister’s response on how the new Government are addressing this.
I fully appreciate that the Minister may not be able to comment on some of the details of planned future sanctions or on the Foremans’ case. We understand that. I am grateful for all he is doing. I conclude by urging that we continue to do all we can as a nation to stand up for human rights, international law and, critically, democratic freedoms not only in Iran but in all those parts of the world where these are no longer found.
“significant risk of arrest, questioning or detention”,
what high-level representations are being made to help these two people swiftly, so that their detention is brief?
We know that in recent years, Iran has arrested dozens of Iranians with dual nationality or foreign permanent residency, mostly on spying and national security charges, of whom at least 15 have had links to the UK. They include Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, whom others have already spoken about. As my noble friend Lady Northover has said, Richard Ratcliffe’s campaign was absolutely outstanding, despite government advice not to say anything. She was released after six years in detention, including years in isolation, on the same day as Anoosheh Ashoori, three years ago in March. It is now clear that Iran used this as leverage for the debt for an order of tanks that was cancelled shortly after the 1979 Islamic revolution. The then Foreign Secretary in 2022, Liz Truss, confirmed that the debt issue had been resolved after highly complex negotiations. She said then that the money could be used only for humanitarian goods purchases. Can the Minister confirm whether this has happened?
Mehran Raoof, also an English national, remains in prison after spurious convictions. He was arrested in 2020 and remains in solitary confinement in violation of the absolute prohibition of torture and other ill-treatment. He is a prisoner of conscience and must immediately and unconditionally be released. A fortnight ago, the Arbitrary Detention and Hostage Affairs APPG heard about the different approach that the UK takes in these cases, compared with the US, Canada, France and others.
Morad Tahbaz, a UK and US national, was first arrested in 2019 and jailed. He was born in London and holds both British and US citizenship. He is the founder of the Persian Wildlife Heritage Foundation. He was released into home furlough in March 2022, but he was then rearrested two days later. Public pressure from the campaign group Bring Our Families Home, which works to bring home the wrongfully detained and hostages, ensured that US negotiators were able to have him released as part of a US-Iranian prisoner release scheme. The UK Government have a long practice of not negotiating for their own citizens in these circumstances. Are the new Government going to review this practice?
Finally, what pressure are the Government putting on the Iranian Government, via the UN and directly, to cease these abhorrent practices of kidnapping individuals, not just British nationals but Iranian citizens as well?
To return to the domestic situation in Iran, all contributions have mentioned the profoundly moving work of Richard Ratcliffe in support of Nazanin; it has been an inspiration for anyone who has had the privilege of meeting them. I did so with their daughter, who was getting to know her mother again. On a very human scale, one of the consequences of Nazanin’s detention was that it was the detention of the mother of a very young child. Something that struck me was that after she was detained in 2016, six Foreign Secretaries had her file on their desk, but it was the different approach at ministerial level that led to a consensus, I hope, that there should be a more systematic way of approaching those who are denied basic access to consular services. We therefore support the Government in their efforts to establish an envoy for complex cases, but also a statutory underpinning of the right to consular access where there are human rights violations. Like others, I ask the Minister to confirm that progress is being made and in what timeframe we will see legislation brought forward, so that we can properly debate it and ultimately support it.
There are other measures that the Government can take, not just sanctions on the human rights aspect. I debated the Iran sanctions regime, as did the noble Lord, Lord Collins. We have a unique approach to our sanctions—a countrywide ability to have sanctions that are flexible and that can be activated immediately if the United States, Canada or the European Union does so. That reinforces the point, which has been made in the debate, that we should be working with our allies to put more pressure on the Iranian regime, especially when it comes to the flawed judicial processes that are abused by a political regime when such individuals are detained.
The UK could do more regarding the judiciary in Iran. In the debate in January last year, I asked the previous Government, specifically the noble Lord, Lord Benyon, to move on that issue. The US, under both the Biden and Trump Administrations, is seeking to exert pressure, and I hope the UK will follow.
I want to put on record that, because of the malign influence of Iran on its near neighbourhood, and because of those individuals who are struggling, there are two aspects of the policies of both the previous and current Governments that I hope we can reflect on. First, there continues to be no safe and legal routes for any Iranians, especially young Iranian women, if they are seeking refuge from persecution and trying to come to the UK. We know that the Iranian diaspora in the UK is strong, welcoming and stable, so anyone persecuted in Iran would be able to seek shelter here, but there is no safe and legal route. I hope the Minister might reconsider that and speak to Ministers in the Home Office. It is not too late, and it would make a meaningful difference. It would also provide hope for many individuals who see the UK as a potential area of refuge.
Finally, all the programmes that are currently scored as official development assistance in near-neighbourhood countries are defending human rights and those persecuted for promoting democracy and seeking resilience against interference. Those are the very programmes we want to see in place, because they are about the security of the United Kingdom, but they are going to be slashed. I hope that, at the very least, we can protect those programmes scored as ODA which are about national security and are pro-democracy.
Can the Minister provide an update on the specific diplomatic steps the Government are taking to secure the release of British citizens detained by the Iranian regime? Also, given that the right reverend Prelate mentioned human rights in the area, what additional measures are the Government considering to strengthen international pressure on Iran to adhere to basic human rights standards and release those held unjustly?
The noble Baroness, Lady Northover, mentioned, as did other noble Lords, consular access. I look forward to hearing an update from the Minister on that issue.
In addition, how are His Majesty’s Government working with international partners to prevent the detention of British citizens by hostile regimes? Are there opportunities for greater co-operation to address the issue in the future? This has been an interesting debate, and I am really glad to have taken part in it. I look forward to hearing the response from the Minister.
Noble Lords have raised the horrific, consistently high rate of executions, which is, of course, a deliberate attempt to instil fear and stifle dissent. The United Kingdom is opposed to the death penalty in all circumstances as a matter of principle, and we make very clear representations on that. The UK has 450 sanctions in place, including designations against the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and those responsible for Iran’s attack on Israel in October.
I turn to our advice about travel to Iran. British travellers are at significant risk of arrest and detention in Iran. Since 2022, we have used our public travel advice to advise against any travel there. Having a British passport or connections to the United Kingdom can be reason enough for the Iranian authorities to detain someone. The Foreign Office actively promotes its free travel advice service to travellers and industry alike. I understand that travel pages are viewed more than 28 million times per year. Nevertheless, we will look at what more could be done to ensure that the advice is seen as widely as possible.
I pay tribute to the right reverend Prelate for the care with which she has approached the subject of detention cases. They are among the most difficult, complex and sensitive cases handled by our officials and are enormously distressing for the families of those detained. For reasons that will be obvious to those familiar with the Iranian regime’s behaviour, I cannot make detailed comments on individual cases, nor can I refer to the possible numbers. Many of the individuals involved do not want publicity, but if noble Lords wish to speak to me privately, I will try to reassure them of what we are trying to do. I reassure the right reverend Prelate that the British embassy in Tehran is in contact with the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs about the recent case and we will continue to raise this directly with the Iranian authorities. A specialist team from the FCDO is in frequent contact with the family, providing regular updates and advice. This case will continue to be a priority for the Government.
As noble Lords referred to, including the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, and the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, the Government are committed to strengthening their support for British nationals abroad. We will, as they reminded me, introduce a new right to consular assistance in cases of human rights violations and will soon appoint an envoy for the most complex detention cases. To reassure noble Lords, work is under way on both, and we will come forward with details fairly soon.
I also reassure the noble Baroness, Lady Brinton, that we work very closely with our international partners to tackle unfair detentions. As the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, mentioned, we signed the Canadian Declaration Against Arbitrary Detention in State-to-State Relations in 2021, helping protect citizens of all countries who live and work abroad. This is of course an issue of interest and importance to the House, and I welcome the creation in 2024 of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Arbitrary Detention and Hostage Affairs. I will work closely with it and keep it up to date on our progress.
I hear what the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, says about overseas development assistance. I reassure him that our first priority is security. For the security of this nation, we had to make some very difficult decisions this week, but they will not deflect from how we allocate and ensure that whatever assistance we give to those neighbouring countries is properly maintained. The Prime Minister made it clear that that will be a priority for the United Kingdom, particularly in relation to Sudan.