My Lords, it is a pleasure to open today’s International Women’s Day debate on behalf of the Government. As noble Lords will know, the theme of this year’s International Women’s Day is “Give to gain”. This day is about celebrating the power of solidarity and camaraderie; it is about adhering to the words proclaimed by Millicent Fawcett—the same words inscribed on her statue in Parliament Square just a stone’s throw away from here:
“Courage calls to courage everywhere”.
This day is about recognising that when women thrive, we all rise. I believe that is true of this place. Both Chambers are of very different composition to the ones I knew in the 1990s when I first started working in Westminster. Back then, around 10% of the seats in the other place were held by women; last year, that figure stood at roughly 40%. We have seen a similarly positive trend in this House: female membership has steadily risen from below 10% in the early 1990s to over 30% today. I am looking forward to hearing the maiden speeches today from my noble friends Lady Linforth, Lady MacLeod of Camusdarach, Lady Martin of Brockley, Lady Nargund and Lady Paul of Shepherd’s Bush. I am proud to serve in a Government where the positions of Chancellor, Home Secretary and Foreign Secretary are all occupied by brilliant women, as are the Secretaries of State for Wales, science and culture. Our representation has changed for the better.
Our economy has changed for the better, too. Top British companies are leading the way for gender equality in boardrooms. Women occupied over 43% of roles on FTSE 350 executive boards as of last year. Our society has also changed for the better. The UK ranks fourth in the global gender gap index. That is all cause for celebration and optimism, but noble Lords will know that there is still more to do.
My Lords, it is a great honour to open this debate on International Women’s Day on behalf of His Majesty’s loyal Opposition. It is an opportunity both to celebrate the countless contributions of women and to reflect on the work that still lies ahead, here at home, obviously in Wales, and across the world. We will no doubt hear stories from across the House of women who have shaped us in our own lives and who contribute every day to our society. With the indulgence of the House, I shall speak too about some Welsh women who have shaped our history.
In particular, I pay tribute to my noble friends Lady Owen of Alderley Edge and Lady Bertin for their tireless work on the Crime and Policing Bill to strengthen protections for women, particularly in the online space. Some of the material we have confronted has been deeply disturbing and should give us all pause for thought. These harms not only affect women and girls but shape attitudes and relationships more broadly, distorting how men and boys understand intimacy and respect. Women are not commodities nor targets for abuse; they are equal in worth and dignity, and they must be treated as such in every corner of our society. We are so grateful for the dedication of our female Peers across the House to this legislation.
The Conservative Party launched the international women and girls strategy, focusing on educating girls, empowering women and ending gender-based violence. Under that strategy, 80% of the FCDO’s bilateral aid programmes are required to focus on gender equality by 2030. We are proud of this record, and we are pleased that the current Government continue to commit to this target.
We must also take a long, hard look to what is happening in our own patch. We have come a long way in this country, and we owe so much to those who came before us. Coincidentally, it was on this day in 1806 that the poet Elizabeth Barrett Browning was born. Her own success as a women inspired others, such as Emily Dickinson, and she used her talent to advocate not only for women but for other causes, such as the abolition of slavery in the United States.
My Lords, I begin by acknowledging this Government’s and the previous Government’s significant commitment to women and girls around the world and, in particular, to their education. That said, programmes to prevent violence against women and to promote women’s rights and freedoms remain in a sorry state and are likely to deteriorate further with the new ODA funding cuts. This arises due to the continuing and shocking attacks on women, together with a global reduction in overseas aid for programmes of prevention.
Gender equality remains elusive. Women’s rights are the hardest fought and the first to go, and nowhere is that truer than in Afghanistan. I return again and again—without any apology—to the plight of women and girls in Afghanistan, because it is the only country in the world that strictly forbids secondary and tertiary education for girls and excludes women from the workforce. It is firmly established that the education of girls and women is a magic bullet of development. Development on many fronts inevitably follows a focus on educating girls, and that has been proven the world over. However, the current statistics for Afghanistan are dismal: about 2.2 million girls are banned from secondary school and 93% of all children fail to achieve basic reading proficiency by the end of primary school. Recent research shows that those schools that have a higher proportion of teachers with a university education fare significantly better on good student outcomes, especially in language learning.
Afghanistan still has one of the largest workforce gender gaps in the world: only 24% of women participate in the labour force compared with 89% of men. Almost 80% of young Afghan women are not in education, employment or training. The longer-term impact of this cruel deprivation is that a dearth of trained women in midwifery and healthcare means that there will be no female practitioners as surgeons, midwives, nurses and primary health carers for the foreseeable future, thereby affecting all Afghan women, who cannot accept healthcare delivered by males.
My Lords, it is an honour to speak today, and I particularly look forward to hearing so many maiden speeches. I have been reflecting on the theme of this year’s International Women’s Day, “Give to gain”. A seat in your Lordships’ House is a powerful platform, but whatever voice or influence we may have, it is not for ourselves; it is to be used to secure gains for others.
Noble Lords will be aware that these Benches have made some progress in recent years toward gender parity. There are currently eight women on our Benches, soon to be nine—the highest number to date—and two former Lords spiritual. As the Church of England’s first female Bishop, I know that opening a door is both a powerful and a humbling act, particularly as we rejoice in the appointment and forthcoming installation of my noble friend, the most reverend Primate, our first female Archbishop of Canterbury.
I was raised in the diocese that it is now my privilege to serve as Bishop. I am fortunate to have been shaped by and now be surrounded by exceptional women. Women in Derby and Derbyshire are leaders in education, public service, health, business, agriculture and community action across so many sectors—wonderful women all, who give to gain, particularly to change opportunity, access and investment in girls, to change their futures, and therefore all our futures, for good.
Derby City has adopted the theme “city of pioneers” to reflect its prominent place in our nation’s industrial heritage, but the region has also been pioneering in other ways, not least in the place and influence of women. Our own House of Lords Library has estimated that it will take roughly 100 years to achieve gender parity in managerial and senior leadership roles. I am pleased that Derby and Derbyshire seem ahead of the curve.
My faith has inspired and enabled me to open doors for others, and it is a profoundly positive influence in my life, but I recognise that many women who give of themselves to support other women do so in profoundly painful circumstances. I thank the Minister for today naming the legacy of Jill Saward, as we mark the 40th anniversary of that heinous attack. Jill was the daughter of a parish priest in Ealing. She was raped during a violent burglary of the vicarage—her family home. We are very conscious of the risk and responsibility that our clergy—women and men—take as they give of themselves and their households to serve their local communities. Jill was the first women to waive her right to anonymity, and she testified in court. Because of her, as we have heard, the national debate that the subsequent trial sparked has paved the way for a monumental shift in the following four decades toward the survivors of sexual violence and influenced changes in the law, which, we hear, continue to be worked on today. I spoke to her former husband, Gavin, ahead of today’s debate.
My Lords, it is a profound honour to address noble Lords and Baronesses across this House for the first time. I begin with gratitude to Black Rod, Garter, the Clerk of the Parliaments, the security teams and all those who serve this great institution. I thank them for their kindness, patience and guidance. I have a special word for the doorkeepers, who have gently rescued me more than once in these magnificent but bewildering corridors.
I extend my heartfelt thanks to my sponsors, my noble friend Lord Kinnock and my noble and learned friend Lady Harman. They are dear friends, whom I deeply respect. They embody conviction politics and a lifetime of principled public service. I also pay tribute to the Leader of the House, my noble friend Lady Smith, and the Chief Whip, my noble friend Lord Kennedy, for their generous support and formidable leadership. I thank noble Lords and Baronesses across this House for their warm welcome. It is a privilege to sit in this House among such experience and wisdom.
My journey to this Chamber began far from Westminster, in the small village of Satti in Karnataka, in south-west India. I was raised in a family rooted in Gandhian principles. My mother’s family stood against caste discrimination and superstition, and my father’s family joined the non-violent struggle for India’s freedom. Justice, equality and service were not aspirations; they were expectations.
My mother Rukmini still remains my greatest influence. When I was born, she sent sweets to the entire village. In those days, that celebration was reserved for sons. With that simple act, she made a quiet declaration: daughters deserve equal celebration. That belief in equality has guided my life.
Over 40 years ago, my husband Vinod and I came to Britain as junior doctors to work in the National Health Service—Labour’s birth child and Britain’s greatest institution. For nearly three decades, I served as a lead consultant in reproductive medicine at St George’s Hospital in Tooting. Tooting, the community I was privileged to serve, and Wimbledon, my home for many years and where I joined the Labour Party, will always remain close to my heart.
My Lords, it gives me great pleasure to congratulate my great friend Geeta Nargund—my noble friend Lady Nargund—on her maiden speech and on joining this House. We were brought together by one great friend of all of ours in this House, Margaret McDonagh, and every day we are very sad that she is not here with us to tell us what we should be doing. We miss her greatly. We were also brought together by my daughter in law, Vanessa Elliott, who is a consultant at Saint George’s; both she and my noble friend worked with Margaret when she was not well. Both of them were fantastic to her, and I think everybody in this House should know that.
Among other things, my noble friend is a great campaigner. She not only campaigned for better vaccinations in this country, but—for those who do not know—she campaigned during Covid to ensure that people had the right vaccinations not only for Covid. Her work with universities is enormous, as pro-chancellor of Portsmouth University, and on women’s health at City St George’s, University of London.
However, my noble friend’s main work, which she is really well known for, is her research on IVF. The IVF treatment that she has founded and worked on is helping people not just in this country but in African and other countries who never had such a choice, or who thought that it would be available. Through Geeta’s great work, this has been made available and she continues with that work. She will continue to give us hassle on this issue in this House, among other things. I thank her for being here with us—it is great.
Today, as we know, is International Women’s Day. I would like to thank everybody for having this debate and for our leadership on what we are doing for women. I declare my interest as a founder of, and an adviser and ambassador to, the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security. As we know, there are more women than ever today suffering the trials of war, and it is women who bear the brunt of war as we sit here today. We think of what they are going through and what they are having to do to look after their families in this situation.
My Lords, I thank the Minister, the noble Baroness, Lady Lloyd of Effra, for tabling this important debate.
I congratulate the noble Baroness, Lady Nargund, on her excellent maiden speech. May I add my own Wimbledon Wombles welcome to the noble Baroness? I look forward to working with her on all matters Wimbledon—and, indeed, Tooting St George’s, which is a hospital that I know well. I also look forward to the other four maiden speeches.
Talking of speeches, I am proud to be in a minority today. Around 15% of today’s list of speakers are men. I am proud of that, but we need more. Advocacy on strengthening the rights of women both in the UK and, more importantly, internationally is not for women alone. It needs the voices of men—not just symbolically or through words but through actions.
The need for such advocacy and change is most apparent when we look at the human conflict seizing the world today. We heard from the noble Baroness, Lady D’Souza, about Afghanistan, where women are absent in conflict resolution, negotiating and peacebuilding. Yet, as we have already heard, women and girls are, tragically, the first victims of war.
Nowhere is this stark reality clearer today than in relation to conflict-related sexual violence. Women and girls represent 95% of the victims of these abhorrent crimes. They are targeted with slavery, rape, forced pregnancy and forced marriage. When I took on the role of Minister of State at the FCDO, I was also honoured to be appointed as the Prime Minister’s Special Representative for Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict—an initiative first started by my noble friend and dear friend Lord Hague. I realised that the challenges are far more complex than any Minister may imagine and that the real learning and real leadership in this fight come not from Ministers and bureaucrats but from the extraordinary survivors whose courage, through the horrors inflicted on victims, humbles us all.
My Peers, I am very pleased to take part in this debate; I thank the Minister for ensuring that we have such a debate. I congratulate my noble friend on her excellent maiden speech and look forward to the maiden speeches of other Peers later.
The United Nations’ theme for International Women’s Day is “Rights. Justice. Action.” for all women and girls, but what does this mean and how can it be achieved? The Women’s Equality Network Wales has published research on women’s experiences of their political journey in Wales, but the findings could equally apply to all parts of the United Kingdom. The research found that women face additional barriers, including greater exposure to online abuse, higher personal financial costs and limited access to networks. It recognised that these inequalities mean that the pathway to becoming a candidate is not the same for everyone.
The report showed that women remain underrepresented across the political system in Wales. To address this underrepresentation of women MPs, in 1997, Labour took action to have all-women shortlists, which increased the number of women MPs following the 1997 general election. Labour took similar action in the first election to the Welsh Assembly in 1999, which ensured that Labour fielded an equal number of women and men candidates. What followed was that other political parties took action to ensure that women in their parties were given an opportunity to be selected. Although each party had its own method, it made a difference in getting women elected.
The success of these measures was clear. In the 2024 general election, a record 263 women were elected to the House of Commons, making up 40% of all MPs. This milestone represented the highest percentage of women elected in UK parliamentary history. But we must now look at how we get elected institutions to look like the people they represent. This can be achieved if Section 106 of the Equality Act 2010 is implemented. I hope that, when I ask my Oral Question on 10 May, this time the Minister will give me a positive answer. I have asked this question so many times, both to the Conservative Government and to my own.
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That extends to the places where economic power lies today and the industries that are at the forefront of tomorrow’s economy. We have much more to do to further women’s rights and opportunities in the UK and around the world, which is why this Government are working to prioritise women’s health by working with the women’s health ambassador to deliver our 10-year health plan. At work, we are putting in stronger protections for pregnant women and new mothers and tackling maternity inequality. We are also improving the system of parental leave, and making flexible working more easily available through our plan to make work pay. Through the Employment Rights Act we are taking the first steps towards requiring employers to publish an action plan alongside their gender pay gap reporting. We are tackling violence against women and girls, with a focus on education and prevention, pursuing perpetrators and supporting victims through our landmark strategy.
I would like to take a moment to reflect on the achievements of Jill Saward as we mark 40 years since her harrowing attack in 1986. I pay tribute to a woman whose courage shifted the national conversation surrounding sexual violence. She transformed the horrific trauma she endured into a catalyst for systemic change. She became a pioneering voice, helping to dismantle the long-standing taboos around sexual violence that silenced countless victims, and she campaigned for essential reforms to our justice system that were so desperately required. We owe her, and the many who continue her vital work, a debt of profound gratitude, and our commitment is to continue to tackle violence against women and girls.
However, if noble Lords permit, I will use my remaining time to speak about some of the initiatives my ministerial portfolio covers: initiatives to strengthen the roles of women in the workplace, in our economy and in our society. I will start with digital inclusion and the tech sector. We know that the UK’s tech sector is a massive growth driver. We are one of only three countries in the world to have had a tech sector valued at over $1 trillion. But it is not working for all; not everyone can access its opportunities. Only 29% of UK tech employees are women.
One of the groups I work closely with in my role is the cyber security industry, which has a workforce of 143,000 people and only 17% are women. Worse still, every year we lose an estimated £2 billion to £3.5 billion in economic activity because women leave the tech sector or change jobs due to barriers that should not exist. We have our work cut out for us because, at the current pace, it will take 283 years before women make up an equal share of the tech workforce. We want to right this wrong, and our ambition is clear: we want to unlock the full potential of Britain’s tech sector. Why? Because diverse teams do not just create more equitable workplaces; they deliver better outcomes. Different perspectives drive breakthrough solutions and help technology serve all communities, not just some.
To deliver on our ambitions, we are backing initiatives such as Code First Girls and CAPSLOCK, which specialise in helping women to access cyber and tech roles. We also have the TechFirst programme, with £187 million of investment to strengthen our domestic tech skills pipeline. This is about recruiting and supporting high-potential individuals from across the UK, starting in schools through to university, then research and employment. At its core, TechFirst is about giving people access to brilliant tech jobs—the jobs of the future—with the programme acting as a significant driver to support women and girls.
We are keen to play our part with industry. This is not about government going it alone; it is about businesses stepping up, which is why I am glad that IBM took over from the Government on delivering the annual CyberFirst Girls Competition. Last year’s competition reached more than 10,000 girls between the ages of 12 and 13 across 500 secondary schools in the UK. It is a fantastic example of industry leading from the front.
We have set up the new Women in Tech Taskforce. Its mission is to dismantle barriers to education, training and career progression. It will deliver practical solutions for government and industry to implement together, shaping policy that levels the playing field, and it will help us to reverse those economic losses I mentioned a moment ago, which stem from women leaving the tech sector due to barriers that should not exist.
We are also taking action to fix the finance gap for women-led businesses. One of the ways we are doing this at DBT is through the Invest in Women Taskforce. This is about backing women-led businesses, ensuring they are front and centre of this Government’s growth mission. The Invest in Women Taskforce funding pool is the largest of any kind in the world, at an impressive £635 million of institutional capital, all grown since this Government came into office. This Government are putting our money where our mouths are, with £130 million invested by the British Business Bank.
This is not the only way we are supporting female entrepreneurship. The British Business Bank, which backs the taskforce, also runs a number of its own empowering initiatives. The bank’s £400 million Investor Pathways Capital programme is an example. It is reducing barriers to entry for new and emerging fund managers. We know that women are twice as likely to back women-led businesses than men, which is why 50% of this capital is ring-fenced for female fund managers. The bank’s diverse angel syndicate initiative also encourages a wide group of investors to back early-stage businesses. The figures from the programme’s pilot were impressive: 185 new angel investors were engaged, and 176 of them were female. This is a strong example of the British Business Bank channelling investment to women-led small businesses with big ambitions.
When those founders succeed, our economy and our country succeed, which is why the Government are shining a bright light on successful female founders at every possible opportunity. The Department for Business and Trade’s Venture Capital Unit runs an annual initiative, Wave, which does exactly that. It spotlights 10 innovative female-led businesses from across the UK and runs a programme of pitch days and workshops with them.
In sum, it is right that on this International Women’s Day we look back on what has been achieved, and that we acknowledge how attitudes have changed. In Britain we have the most gender-balanced Government in our nation’s history. But with that honour comes a responsibility; the onus is on us to drive further progress. I am looking forward to the debate that will follow. I have one final ask of this House: please help us champion the initiatives I have spoken about today. Help us inspire more women and girls to go as far in life as their talent and ambitions will take them. Let us give so all can gain.
I pay tribute to the female entrepreneurs of this country who continue to innovate, employ and lead, often while navigating different barriers from their male counterparts. Yet the economic picture gives us cause for concern. According to PwC’s 2026 Women in Work Index, which assesses women’s labour market outcomes, the UK has moved up one place but largely due to declines in other countries’ performance. Female unemployment has risen from 3.5% to 4.2%, while youth female unemployment has increased from 9.5% to 11.8%, and that trend should concern us all.
It is not good enough to turn a blind eye; we must do more to ensure that all women and girls in this country enjoy the same hard-fought freedoms, opportunities and standards that we across this House enjoy. What is needed is a new cultural and integration commission, which will provide an interim report later this year. We are doing the serious work to propose real solutions, not for political point-scoring but because it is the right thing to do.
No speech of mine would be complete without reference to Wales. Mae Cymru yn genedl o adroddwyr straeon—Wales is a nation of storytellers. I would like to reflect on the lives of some remarkable Welsh women whose courage, ingenuity and service have shaped not only Wales but our wider national story.
Let us start with the women of Fishguard, who repelled the last invasion of Britain in 1797—I bet not many noble Lords knew that. Dressed in traditional Welsh costume—dark dresses; tall, black, steeple-crowned hats; and red shawls—they formed a conspicuous line along the cliffs, which, in poor light and at a distance, the French mistook for ranks of red-coated soldiers. Facing what they believed to be overwhelming British reinforcements, the invaders lost heart and soon agreed to surrender.
If we go back to the 12th century, Gwenllian ferch Gruffudd, Princess of Deheubarth, is remembered for her leadership. In 1136, as her husband fought elsewhere, she led an army against the Norman invaders. She fell in battle, but her name endured as a rallying cry: “Dial Achos Gwenllian”, or, “Revenge for Gwenllian”. In an age when women’s voices were rarely recorded, her example of courage, sacrifice and resistance still speaks to us today about the cost of defending a nation’s identity.
Fast forward four centuries, and we find another woman whose influence ran not through arms but through kinship and land: Katheryn of Berain. A 16th century noblewoman in north Wales, Katheryn married extremely well four times, and through these alliances linked together many of the most powerful families of the region. She has sometimes been called “Mam Cymru”—“Mother of Wales”—because so many later Welsh gentry and political figures trace their descent through her. She reminds us that power is not only exercised in Parliaments or on battlefields but woven quietly through households, estates and communities, and that the women who manage those networks were architects of Welsh society in their own right.
In the 18th and 19th centuries, Welsh women helped to propel the Industrial Revolution. Lucy Thomas, the mother of the Welsh steam coal trade, was a businesswoman from the heart of the coalfield. After her husband’s death, she took charge of the coal business, drove the development of markets for Welsh steam and helped to prove to sceptical buyers the superiority of Welsh coal, a resource that would power ships, railways and industry across the world.
From the grime of the coalfield to the horror of the battlefield hospital: in the Crimean War, the name Betsi Cadwaladr deserves to stand alongside that of Florence Nightingale. Born near Bala, Betsi volunteered as a nurse in the Crimea. She insisted on practical sanitation, decent food and humane care for ordinary soldiers. Her methods and determination saved lives and transformed conditions for Welsh and English soldiers alike. Today, the largest health board in Wales bears her name—a fitting tribute to this woman.
In the 20th century, Welsh women stepped decisively into political and public leadership. Margaret Haig Thomas, Lady Rhondda, was a suffragette, business leader and tireless campaigner for women’s rights. Imprisoned for militancy, she survived the sinking of the “Lusitania” and then rebuilt her life by taking a leading role in Welsh industry and journalism. She became one of the most prominent advocates for allowing women to sit in the House of Lords. Although that cause would not be realised in her lifetime, it is to pioneers like Lady Rhondda that today’s women Peers owe a profound debt.
Megan Lloyd George, the daughter of the then Prime Minister, built her own formidable political career. In 1929, she became Wales’s first female Member of Parliament, representing Anglesey. She was an eloquent advocate for Welsh culture, rural communities, social justice and a stronger recognition of Wales within the United Kingdom. In Megan Lloyd George, we see a template for principled Welsh parliamentarians, who are passionate about their nation yet deeply engaged in the wider challenges facing Britain and the world.
The Davies sisters, inheritance of great wealth, chose to invest in assembling one of the finest collections of impressionist art in Europe, most of which they gifted to the National Museum of Wales. Their philanthropy ensured that a miner’s child in Cardiff could stand before a Monet or a Renoir and know that world-class art belonged not just to London or Paris but to Wales.
Finally, I turn to a voice known across the globe, Dame Shirley Bassey. Born in Tiger Bay, the daughter of a Nigerian father and an English mother, she rose from a dockland community to become one of the most recognisable singers of the 20th century and a great philanthropist too.
These women span nine centuries. They came from palaces and farmsteads, ironworks and coalfields, chapels and tenements. Welsh history is not solely a tale of kings, princes and industrial magnates; it is enriched by these women too. They show that giving women access to power, whether economic, political, educational or cultural, enlarges the common good. When women could own and manage property, they built networks that held communities together. When they could train as doctors and nurses, they transformed public health. When they could vote, stand for Parliament and sit in this House, they broadened the range of voices shaping our laws.
The story of these Welsh women is, in truth, a story about the benefits of equality. In honouring them, we also affirm a simple truth: the story of Wales, like the story of Britain, is at its best when the talents of all its people—women as well as men—are recognised, encouraged and allowed to flourish. I commend their legacy to the House. I thank the Minister for bringing forward this debate and look forward to hearing the rest of noble Lords’ contributions.
Women are not only excluded but punished for any transgressions of the Taliban codes. In addition, many girls now face the choice of an unwelcome early marriage, developing mental health issues caused by confinement within the family home, or, in some tragic instances, suicide. The financial divide is equally stark, with women precluded from having a bank account or access to mobile money services. There are no women in the de facto Cabinet or in local offices.
It is difficult to assess conditions for women and girls in Afghanistan as a whole. The degree to which the Taliban codes are implemented varies from one region to another. Many modest initiatives are run by NGO partners of the major multilateral and bilateral donors and by the private sector, but these programmes are vulnerable and often subject to the whims of local Taliban commanders or carried out under clandestine conditions. We know that many thousands of Afghan families are being repatriated from Pakistan, many of which are female-headed groups lacking any resources at all. We know that climate change has caused severe drought for the past six years, as well as severe flooding, leading to other disasters such as landslides—and now Afghanistan faces war with Pakistan.
It is clear that Afghanistan suffers from chronic economic, political, climate, environmental—it is the second most mined country in the world—food and gender stresses. It is estimated that 36% of the population—17.7 million—face crisis levels of food insecurity. The country’s isolation means, among many other issues, a lack of accurate and timely information about who is in most need, where they are and what channels remain open to provide assistance.
The future looks bleak. Immediately, however, the plea is that the Government continue and even increase their investment in girls’ education, no matter the scarcity of funding. Given the uncertainty of Taliban interference, a focus on improving—in some cases radically—the teaching in primary schools will pay dividends. There is good evidence to show that younger children are key in educating other family members, including their parents. There is too, in some regions of Afghanistan, a growth in so-called secret as well as online secondary and even tertiary education, and these initiatives deserve investment. Above all, we have to keep in mind that education is the one sure way a country and its citizens can achieve a future for themselves. We can and must do this.
There is much more we must do to end violence against women and girls. I currently serve on your Lordships’ Domestic Abuse Act 2021 Committee and note that many of my fellow committee members are here in their places today. I hope we can make strides toward a safer world in the recommendations we make to government.
Just over half the world’s population is currently observing either Ramadan or Lent, so it seems appropriate in this holy season of repentance and prayer to recognise how much further we have to go. Women have always been involved in struggle, embroiled in geopolitical events, at the centre of transformation domestically, locally, nationally and internationally, whether on the front line or in leading efforts in reconciliation and healing. This Lent, the Gospel of John reminds us that Mary of Magdala was the first on the scene, as witness to the resurrection. Amid and despite unimaginable trauma and suffering, she found herself responsible for the act of bearing witness. She summoned the strength to spread the word, share her testimony and pay the gift of good news forward. I trust that the many words spoken here today will translate into action for good as we give to gain.
Late nights, unpredictable, summoned at any time— I am not describing my years delivering babies on the labour ward but my first weeks here, delivering votes. I bring over 40 years of front-line medical and academic experience and an understanding of how our health system works across sectors and how it can be made more efficient and equitable.
As vice-chair of the British Red Cross, I worked to tackle health inequalities at home and supported humanitarian efforts internationally. As a trustee of the London Emergencies Trust, I helped families affected by the Grenfell tragedy. Those experiences reinforced a simple truth: compassion must be matched by competence. Institutions must not only care; they must deliver.
Throughout my career, I have worked to improve women’s reproductive choices and justice by developing safer and more affordable treatments and innovative technology to increase global access. Innovation matters only when it reaches those in greatest need. The best healthcare must not be a privilege for the few but a right for all, and it should be free.
In this debate for International Women’s Day, it is especially poignant for me to make my maiden speech. Around the world—sometimes closer to home than we would wish—women’s rights remain fragile, as we have just heard. Women’s health remains persistently underprioritised. Closing the gender health gap is both a moral duty and an economic necessity. I am determined to play my part in advancing that cause.
That a girl born in a small Indian village could serve as a senior leader across all sectors, lead a global movement increasing accessibility and women’s safety in reproductive care, and now sit in this House, speaks to the very best of Britain: its tolerance, fairness and decency, and its capacity to embrace those who come to serve here. That is the Britain I believe in, not a nation diminished by division or hatred but one strengthened by diversity and shared purpose.
I would not be here today without the support of my husband Vinod and my son Praful, who are watching from the Gallery. Praful has been my constant adviser. I am proud of his unwavering commitment to social mobility and his tireless work ethic. I also remember with deep affection the late Baroness Margaret McDonagh, a remarkable woman who inspired and mentored so many, and whom I dearly miss.
I have long been guided by a simple principle: be the change you wish to see. I will bring that spirit to my work in this House, to reduce health inequalities, to champion women’s causes, and to uphold the values of fairness, compassion and service that define this country at its very best.
The UN’s theme for International Women’s Day this year is “Rights. Justice. Action. For ALL women and girls”, and it is a theme I welcome as a strong reminder that rights do not maintain themselves; they depend on services, enforcement and political choices, and on us standing up for women and girls around the planet whose inherent rights are unfulfilled every single day.
I wanted to take time today to reflect on developments for women and girls over the last year. To me, three developments stand out. First, there is the squeeze on global sexual and reproductive health programmes. The United States Government have historically been the largest donor Government for family planning, but the drastic pivot from USAID that froze and then cancelled most global family planning projects in 2025 is still seeking to eliminate that funding for 2026.
We have already seen the consequences of that decision. A review led by the Clinton Health Access Initiative found that after USAID ended its reproductive health work in early 2025, partner countries faced funding and supply chain disruption, and women and girls found that their preferred contraceptive methods were sometimes unavailable. One family planning provider in West Africa told the initiative:
“It is heartbreaking to turn women away when I know they came from far distances just for this service”.
The UNFPA reported that in 2025, funding cuts forced more than 1,000 UNFPA-supported clinics and mobile health teams to shut down or come close to closure, and more than 250 safe spaces for women and girls to close. As the UNFPA stated, the impact is clear as these services are the front line of maternal care, providing midwives, post-rape treatment, supplies of pain relief, and emergency delivery kits.
Secondly, I must draw our attention back to Afghanistan, as one of our colleagues has already done this morning. Afghanistan remains the only country where secondary and higher education is forbidden to girls and women, and UNESCO and UNICEF estimate that 2.2 million adolescent girls are banned from secondary education. UNICEF has warned that in a context where women and girls can often be medically treated only by women, denying girls education today means denying women healthcare tomorrow. The GDP of Afghanistan, when it is eventually able to get going again, will be devastated without women being educated. The 2025-26 Women, Peace and Security Index—produced by the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, and partners—ranks 181 countries. It finds that global progress is stalling and ranks Afghanistan last. I urge the Government to make use of this valuable document, which is produced annually.
Thirdly, I want to point out that international co-operation is still possible. In October 2025, France hosted the Fourth Ministerial Conference on Feminist Foreign Policies, bringing together participants from 55 countries. It concluded with a joint declaration signed by 31 states, reaffirming commitments to gender equality, and the United Kingdom joined the Feminist Foreign Policy Group alongside countries such as Morocco, Nepal and Sri Lanka.
Turning to the United Kingdom, I welcome the decision to remove the universal credit two-child benefit cap limit from April 2026. Government analysis suggests that this could mean 450,000 fewer children living on relatively low incomes by 2030. We all know that child poverty is not gender-neutral and that it lands first on mothers and carers, especially single mothers.
I also welcome the renewal of the women’s health strategy and the decision to include menopause questions in national health checks, which are expected to benefit nearly 5 million women. I welcome menopause action plans becoming part of employment policy by being mandatory from 2027; this is a huge move forward for all women and their families.
Finally, we must confront the fastest-growing threat to women’s equality: technology-facilitated abuse. Ofcom reports that 98%—as we heard the other night, it is even more—of intimate images reported to the Revenge Porn Helpline are of women and that 99% of deepfake intimate image abuse depicts women. The National Police Chiefs’ Council has warned that sexual abuse and deepfakes are thought to have increased in prevalence by nearly 2,000% between 2019 and 2024. The Government have brought into force the offence of creating or requesting non-consensual intimate images and are treating it as a priority offence online, but we need enforcement, victim support and platform accountability.
International Women’s Day is, of course, a celebration of the achievements of women every day, but it is also a reminder that rights require services, justice requires access and action requires political will. In reality, this takes place in government, in budgets, in diplomacy and in how we choose to keep women and girls safe.
I wish to share with noble Lords the story of an innocent four year-old I met in the DRC. She was raped not once, not twice, but half a dozen times, and her shrill, fearful cries echo in my ears even today. Yet, through the amazing work of the Panzi Hospital and the inspiration and devotion of the Nobel laureate Dr Denis Mukwege, she was given a glimmer of hope—that light beyond the horrors of war.
As we mark International Women’s Day, while we rightly recognise and celebrate the achievements of women from across the world, we must also confront one of the most brutal realities of the crimes that persist in modern conflict. The use of sexual violence, particularly against women and girls, is real. It is not an unfortunate by-product of conflict; it is a tactic; it is deliberate. It is designed to terrorise communities, fracture societies and leave scars that last for generations.
I saw this directly during my time as a Minister. I met women in Iraq who endured unspeakable horrors and brutality at the hands of Daesh terrorists. I listened to women survivors from Bosnia who, decades after the war, still carry the trauma of crimes. I met Yazidi women who had been enslaved, traded, abused and dehumanised in so many unspeakable ways; they said to me that their worth and value were less than that of an ant. Yet what struck me was not just these women’s testimony after their suffering but their strength in confronting stigma and rejection by their own communities and in demanding justice for not just themselves but others.
Many survivors become powerful advocates. I was honoured to work with the likes of Nadia Murad on developing and delivering the Murad code. I recognise the tireless work of people such as Amal Clooney in the international courts and that of Nadine Tunasi, a survivor whom I appointed and who helped me develop strategy on this issue. I also pay tribute to the convening power of Her Royal Highness Sophie, the Duchess of Edinburgh, whose compassion and determination have ensured that the voices of survivors are heard.
The United Kingdom has always sought not simply to raise awareness but to lead on this agenda. I ask the Minister directly to protect the budget when it comes to PSVI and to continue to show leadership. We established the International Alliance on Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict, which is a coalition of countries. I ask the Minister for an update on the alliance to ensure that the priorities it set—supporting the training of investigators, strengthening documentation mechanisms and ensuring that we stand as a strong voice—continue.
Today, in conflicts from Ukraine to Sudan and from the Middle East to parts of Africa, women and girls continue to face the same brutality that survivors described to me over those seven years. Justice for survivors is not simply a moral obligation—it is essential to lasting peace. The survivors I met asked for sympathy, for justice, for dignity and, above all, for the world never to look away.
As well as taking measures to have more women elected to political institutions, there are other barriers that women and girls experience, including domestic violence, sexual violence and online abuse. I am pleased that the Government are now working on their 2024 manifesto commitment of halving violence against women and girls within a decade. Can the Minister say how this policy is progressing? Are domestic abuse experts being introduced in 999 control rooms? What progress is being made on having specialist rape and sexual offence teams in every police force and fast-tracking rape cases, with specialist courts in every Crown Court in England and Wales?
Are things getting better for girls and young women? I read an article in the Guardian last week, written by a 15 year-old girl, about her experience. These are her words:
“I can’t speak for every girl my age, but I frequently feel objectified, dehumanised and disgusted by the hate towards women I see online, and I can say with certainty that most of my friends would agree with me. A social media ban for under-16s might prevent young boys seeing endless content that treats women with contempt and hate. Boys at this age are very susceptible to the cool and funny framing of what is … relentless misogyny. A ban might not fix the problem, but it would help. If society can’t stop it, it can show it disapproves”.
That is the experience of a 15 year-old girl in 2026. I find that shocking.
So I really hope that the United Nations theme of “rights, justice and action” will be taken seriously and made a reality. Although much progress has been made for women and girls, I think we would all agree that there is still much to do.