The following Answer to an Urgent Question was given in the House of Commons on Tuesday 15 October.
“We are deeply concerned about the continuing violence; we must avoid this conflict spiralling further out of control and into a wider regional war, which is in no one’s interest.
The UK was the first G7 nation to call for an immediate ceasefire between Lebanese Hezbollah and Israel and for the implementation of a political plan that will enable civilians on both sides to return to their homes. The Prime Minister has spoken with international leaders including Prime Minister Netanyahu, King Abdullah of Jordan, President Macron and Chancellor Scholz to press the case for a ceasefire. This builds on extensive discussions by the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister at the United Nations with regional leaders.
We were gravely concerned to hear that five UN peacekeepers had been injured by the Israel Defense Forces. We reiterate that attacks on UN peacekeepers and UN members of staff are unacceptable. All parties must take all necessary measures to protect all UN personnel and premises and allow the UN to fulfil its mandate. The UK co-signed a joint statement by 34 United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon-contributing countries condemning recent attacks, calling for such actions to stop immediately and be adequately investigated.
The situation in Lebanon is worsening by the day. Civilian casualties are mounting and more than 25% of the Lebanese population has been displaced. On humanitarian needs in Lebanon, I announced £10 million of support to Lebanon to respond to the widespread lack of shelter and reduced access to water, hygiene and healthcare. This is in addition to the £5 million that we have already provided to UNICEF.
It is clear that a political solution consistent with Resolution 1701 is the only way to restore the sovereignty, territorial integrity and stability of Lebanon. This requires an immediate ceasefire between Lebanese Hezbollah and Israel now and immediate negotiations to re-establish security and stability for the people living on either side of the Israeli-Lebanon border.
While the world turns its attention to Lebanon, we must not forget the situation for the people of Gaza: they are in a truly intolerable situation currently and winter will make them increasingly vulnerable including to communicable disease. All of Gaza’s population now faces the risk of famine. Access to basic services, safe drinking water, shelter and healthcare is becoming harder by the day.
We are gravely concerned by the situation in northern Gaza in particular. Very little aid has entered northern Gaza since 1 October. Evacuation orders continue to be issued across northern Gaza but civilians are struggling to move to safety and we are worried that the IDF-designated humanitarian zone is overcrowded and unsafe. Israel must comply with international humanitarian law and allow unfettered aid access. The message from this Government is clear: Israel could and must do more to ensure that aid reaches civilians in Gaza. It is unacceptable to restrict aid.
We have not lost sight of the destabilising role of Iran across the Middle East through its support to militias including Hezbollah, Hamas and the Houthis. Iran must halt its attacks on Israel. To that end, we have placed a number of sanctions designations, and I welcome the Question”.
My Lords, on Monday this week, my noble friend Lord Howard of Lympne asked the noble Lord about an answer given on 3 September by his ministerial colleague, the noble Baroness, Lady Chapman, regarding the partial arms embargo on Israel. The Minister avoided directly answering that question, so let me try again. Was the noble Baroness, Lady Chapman, correct when she told the House that the Government were
“required to suspend certain export licences”?—[Official Report, 3/9/24; col. 1065.]
When I reread Hansard after the noble Lord’s intervention on Monday, I found that what the noble Baroness, Lady Chapman, said was exactly what I said on the F35 situation: it is very difficult to determine where the supply will go and its impact.
That is the question. It is the question that the noble Baroness, Lady Chapman, answered, and it was a correct one. I do not think she has anything to apologise for.
My Lords, after more than a year of the conflict, many of the hostages have still not been released and the suffering of Palestinian civilians is unbearable. But the excess of violence in the West Bank is often underreported. In March I asked the then Government to designate the politicians, Ministers Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, who have been actively facilitating some of the excessive violence in the West Bank and speaking for it. I asked the then Foreign Secretary, and he has now endorsed this. I do not expect the Minister to comment on potential designations under sanctions, but can he confirm that it is the policy of the Government not to exempt serving politicians from designations?
I heard the noble Lord, Lord Cameron, on the radio. I am always willing to take his advice; I have done so on many occasions in the House. It is pity that he did not take mine. The reality of the situation in the West Bank is that violence is increasing. I would certainly go on record condemning the totally unacceptable language of Smotrich and Ben-Gvir. It is appalling. As the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, knows, I would not speculate on future sanctions, but let me tell noble Lords that yesterday, under the global human rights regime, the United Kingdom sanctioned three outposts and four entities linked to the violence in the West Bank. So we are acting and will be prepared to act. We are certainly not going to tolerate the sort of violence that I have personally witnessed in the West Bank.
My Lords, when I was working in the Foreign Office some 30 years ago, I met Mr Netanyahu on a number of occasions. I formed a very clear view of him: the creation of a permanent homeland for the Palestinians was not on his agenda. Does the Minister share my concern that there are now many people making policy in Israel who, by their acts and omissions—both on the West Bank and in Gaza—are creating facts on the ground that will make it impossible for the Palestinians to live in either of those two territories? Thereby, an enlarged and largely Palestinian-free Israel will have been created.