My Lords, it is a privilege to open this debate and to speak alongside so many expert noble Lords. I take this opportunity to welcome the noble Baroness, Lady Batters, to your Lordships’ House and very much look forward to her maiden speech.
More than 1,000 days since Russia launched its illegal invasion of Ukraine, the Ukrainian people face a third winter of struggle for survival. They have paid a heavy price—thousands of lives lost, families torn apart, and whole communities destroyed beyond all recognition. Russian artillery continues to target civilian infrastructure and degrade Ukrainian energy networks, leaving ordinary people to freeze in icy cold conditions. Every day on the battlefield, Ukrainian soldiers give their lives in defence of their homeland and the common values that we share. Despite all this, the spirit of the Ukrainian people remains unbroken and Ukrainian forces continue to take the fight to their Russian aggressors with courage and conviction.
We should be under no illusion about the stakes. As the Foreign Secretary has said, Putin’s invasion of Ukraine is being driven by an “imperialist” desire to expand his
“mafia state into a mafia empire”.
It has involved forcibly seizing territory to which Russia has no legal right and for which the Russian people are paying an enormous price. It is a strategy built on corruption and the crushing of dissent—including courageous opponents such as Alexei Navalny—and is backed by the spread of disinformation at home and abroad.
Noble Lords will note that this is a fight not only for Ukraine’s territorial integrity and the safety of its people but for the future of Europe’s collective security and prosperity. The Government have consistently been clear that Putin must fail, but our words of condemnation are not in themselves enough. Action is required. That is why the UK’s support for Ukraine has never wavered, regardless, I am pleased and proud to say, of which party has been in government. I pay tribute to noble Lords opposite who stood side by side with President Zelensky and the Ukrainian people in their hour of need. We are united in saying that we will continue to stand with Ukraine for however long it takes.
Last year, the Prime Minister announced the Government’s commitment to provide £3 billion of military support to Ukraine each year for as long as is needed. Overall, the UK’s combined military, humanitarian and economic support for Ukraine now stands at £12.8 billion. That includes state-of-the-art Challenger 2 battle tanks and Storm Shadow missiles, as well as NLAW anti-tank missiles produced in Belfast that helped Ukrainian soldiers bravely repel the initial attack on Kyiv. Through the hugely successful Operation Interflex, UK Armed Forces have helped train more than 50,000 Ukrainian military personnel.
In total, the UK has now delivered around 400 different military capabilities to Ukraine, with a new £225 million package of drones, boats and munitions announced in December. This builds on the introduction of the most wide-ranging sanctions regime ever imposed on a major economy. As a result of this, we have successfully restricted Russia’s access to global financial markets, reduced its energy revenues and weakened its ability to finance this illegal war. This includes sanctions on more than 2,100 individuals and entities, amounting to over £20 billion. More than 100 ships used for transporting Russian energy have been targeted, including 93 oil tankers that form part of Russia’s shadow fleet, used to illicitly transport billions of pounds’ worth of oil across the globe. The oil price cap has reduced Putin’s tax revenues from oil by 30%.
My Lords, I thank the Minister for his helpful and descriptive introduction. I will not repeat all the detail he kindly gave us. Like him, I much look forward to the maiden speech of the noble Baroness, Lady Batters. She is a near neighbour of mine in Wiltshire and a trailblazing first female president of the National Farmers’ Union. We worked together professionally, and I know the House will benefit hugely from her talents and energy.
It is clear from discussions in the other place that there is practically universal support for helping Ukraine in its struggles. The United Kingdom was a first mover in supporting Ukraine in 2022. Prime Minister Boris Johnson led the charge and there has been an encouraging consistency in support through the premierships of Liz Truss, Rishi Sunak and, of course, our Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer. We have pledged over £12 billion since 2022 and sanctioned more than 2,000 entities. Moreover, many people in Britain have generously welcomed displaced Ukrainian families into their homes.
The proposed arrangement is an unusual one, of which the UK was a vociferous advocate. From these Benches we support the UK loan to Ukraine of £2.26 billion, which will be repaid from revenue earned on frozen Russian assets. We also support the decision to earmark the UK contribution towards military expenditure, including on air defence, artillery and other equipment so desperately needed by our Ukrainian allies. This is particularly important as the £20 billion coming from the United States is being handled by the World Bank, which I believe means that it cannot be used for military purposes.
We therefore support the Bill. We would, however, need convincing if the Government were minded to contemplate seizing Russian assets themselves. That would be a large step with wider ramifications and would need detailed scrutiny.
My Lords, from these Benches, as always, I associate my comments with those of the Minister and the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, on our unwavering support for Ukraine. One thing that has been notable over the past almost three years is the extent to which there has been unwavering cross-party support for Ukraine. The previous Government were clear in their commitments and the present Government are making the right noises and the right commitments to Ukraine. I welcome the Minister’s tone in seeking to reiterate that support for Ukraine in opening the debate.
As the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, reminded us, this is not just a question of Ukraine and its sovereignty but a wider issue. I would like to take the discussion a little beyond the G7 and further than the Official Opposition position. The Liberal Democrat Benches would like the Government to consider going further and seizing frozen Russian assets—to go beyond spending the revenue, which is welcome, and look at the assets.
We are wholly committed to the Bill and do not in any way wish to delay it. It needs to go through today to demonstrate the commitment to the G7 agreement and to allow the £2.26 billion British loans to go forward, but we would like the Government to think again. My understanding is that the regret amendment in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Blencathra, may be about going further. From these Benches we would like to go further but not at the expense of delaying the Bill, which would not be appropriate.
As part of the international community, we have given much support to Ukraine. As we have heard, the United Kingdom has given significant military support and financial aid. That is vital. As the noble Baroness, Lady Neville-Rolfe, said, if our renewed commitments and the loans go towards military defence for Ukraine, that will be welcome. At the same time, as the noble Baroness pointed out, we need to reassure ourselves and the country, as well as our NATO allies, that we are committing sufficient resources to our own defence. There is a very real concern that our defence expenditure is too little and our Armed Forces are too small, not adequately resourced and without sufficient equipment. The 2.5% commitment is essential.
At end insert “but regrets that the Bill as introduced does not include provisions to allow immobilised Russian state assets, reserves, or any other property to be used to fund financial assistance to Ukraine”.
My Lords, I beg to move the regret amendment standing in my name on the Order Paper. I too am looking forward to the maiden speech of the noble Baroness, Lady Batters, and her take on the situation in British agriculture at the moment, which is quite interesting.
Let me make it absolutely clear that I will not press my regret amendment to a vote. I will do nothing to delay the passage of this Bill and, in the highly unlikely event that there is a vote on the Bill, I shall vote for it. I support the Bill, but I have had to adopt this tactic because I cannot table a simple amendment I would like—because it is a money Bill—to add a little additional power to the Bill. I simply cannot understand why the Government are not taking that power, as the United States and Canada have done. Having said that, I congratulate the Minister on his speech and congratulate the current Labour Government for being as robust on Ukraine as my right honourable friend Boris Johnson was when this appalling war first started. I
I am proud of the financial assistance that this United Kingdom has already provided to Ukraine. We have committed £7.8 billion in military support and £5 billion in non-military support. In hard cash terms, the United States has given $135 billion, Germany $16.5 billion and I think our £12.8 billion is $15 billion. However, in terms of GDP we find that Estonia has committed 3.5% and Denmark 1.8%. Norway, Lithuania, Latvia, Finland and Poland also stand out as the highest donors in terms of GDP. The closer you are to Russia, the more you have to fear and the more you spend on defeating the aggressor. In GDP terms, the US contribution is only 0.32%, Germany’s is 0.57% and we are at 0.55%.
Nevertheless, in these difficult financial times we have done a remarkable job in assisting. Of course, as the Minister pointed out, we have done other things as well. We have trained over 51,000 Ukrainian troops and sent over 400 different types of military capabilities and kit, including drones, boats and munitions. Defeating Putin is a point the United Kingdom—including the present Government—repeatedly makes at the United Nations and we have imposed sanctions on over 2,100 individuals and entities, including 100 ships and shadow tankers. We are taking a leading role in the recovery and reconstruction of Ukraine, co-hosting the London Ukraine Recovery Conference in 2023.
My Lords, it is a pleasure to have the opportunity to rise to offer unambiguous support for this Bill. I thank my noble friend Lord Livermore, the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, for his characteristically clear introduction to this debate. I, like others, am looking forward to the maiden speech of the noble Baroness, Lady Batters. I am pleased to follow the noble Lord, Lord Blencathra, and to commend him for the same reasons my noble friend the Minister did: his consistency and his contribution in this area, with particular reference to the issue that informs his regret amendment—which I regret I cannot support. I will come back to that in a few minutes.
This is a short Bill, but one freighted with enormous consequences, as we have heard from the contributions thus far, which were characteristically cogent for your Lordships’ House. It gives effect to our commitment to devote £2.26 billion to the G7 extraordinary revenue acceleration loans to Ukraine scheme, the ERA. This is separate from the £3 billion of military aid that we will also provide this year. I applaud Ministers for their decision to hypothecate these funds and to ensure that they are directed squarely to military procurement.
It is worth being clear-sighted about the purpose of this disbursement. It is to enable Ukraine to stand against unprovoked aggression and to ensure that the new era of great-power competition that is already upon us does not see the normalisation of such aggressive expansionism—a course taken by powers who see their own strength as justification enough for such actions. It is clear that the incoming US Administration cannot necessarily be relied upon either to shoulder its share of the burden in the provision of military support for Ukraine, or indeed to enforce international norms around the appropriate behaviour of great powers or aspirants to that status.
Last week, the President-elect offered a justification for his threat to annex Greenland either by force or via economic pressure. In a somewhat circular piece of logic, he asserted that such a course of action is justified by the fact that the US “needs” Greenland for its economic security. Although Putin’s speech that launched the invasion of Ukraine was more rococo in style, the central message was remarkably similar: that Russia had the moral right to invade to protect its own security interests. In making this comparison, I emphatically do not suggest a scintilla of moral equivalence between the two men or the countries they represent. But taken together, the US, Russia and China will help shape the new norms of this era of great-power competition. As we debate this Bill, we have to ask ourselves what lessons President Xi, for instance, will draw from recent history as he contemplates what he considers to be the daily annoyance of a free and independent Taiwan.
My Lords, I strongly welcome the Bill. It gives a clear signal of our continuing commitment to the people of Ukraine and our defence of European security. We are reminded every single day of the appalling impact on Ukraine of President Putin’s illegal and unprovoked invasion.
Today, the Minister has given us a very clear and welcome exposition of the purposes of the Bill. It is quite simply to unlock the UK’s contributions to the G7’s extraordinary revenue acceleration scheme by using the extraordinary profits generated on immobilised Russian sovereign assets held in the EU.
I was interested in paragraph 6 of the Government’s Explanatory Notes for the Bill. That makes it clear that the Government consider that the legal basis for this UK action—and I welcome that—is rooted in EU regulation 2024/2773, which was adopted by the European Parliament and Council of the European Union. Paragraph 6 states:
“This provides a legal basis within the EU for the UK to receive repayments from the ULCM, from the extraordinary profits on the immobilised assets, proportionate to the UK’s contribution to the initial funding for Ukraine provided by the G7 as a whole”.
That contribution was $3 billion. I was just thinking about what my noble friend Lord Blencathra said. When I read this, I found it both intriguing and potentially encouraging for future legal action, and I emphasise “legal”.
Paragraph 14 of that European regulation offers two routes by which the UK, as a post-Brexit third country—in EU parlance—can legally make payments to assist Ukraine. First, it says:
“It should be possible to support the Mechanism by providing extraordinary revenues stemming from the immobilisation of Russian sovereign assets held in relevant jurisdictions other than the Union. To that end, it should be possible for third countries or other sources to contribute to the mechanism”—
My Lords, I join other noble Lords in looking forward to the maiden speech of the noble Baroness, Lady Batters. I represented a rural constituency in the other place for 23 years, I worked with the NFU, and I know the effectiveness of her leadership of that organisation. I am sure that she will bring to this House not only her knowledge of the farming sector but her passion for it.
Next month, we will see the third anniversary of Russia’s illegal and brutal invasion of Ukraine. Few people imagined back in February 2022 that Ukraine would be able to resist its much more powerful neighbour and the brutal way in which it invaded a sovereign state—but it has, which is down to the determination of the Ukrainian people, along with the bravery and innovation shown by its armed forces.
That is why I welcome today’s Bill to help the Ukrainian people to continue to resist aggression and to defend the principle that a sovereign nation’s territory should never be taken by force. That principle was one of the cornerstones of the international rules-based order that came out of the ashes of the Second World War, which is today being defended on the battlefields of Ukraine. Along with the determination of the Ukrainian people, the financial support provided by the UK, US, Europe and international partners has been vital in resisting Russian aggression.
The agreement by the G7 is an example of why our membership of international organisations is so important. That collective effort and endeavour not only keeps us safe but means that our voice is stronger when it is deployed with those who share our values and interests. Three years into the war, this Bill and the efforts of the G7 send a very clear message to Russia that its aggression will continue to be resisted. As a member of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, I also know from our meetings with Ukrainian parliamentarians that the single voice that is put out by the UK Parliament is very much appreciated by Ukraine. I am pleased to see that, today, that is again echoed in the cross-party support for this Bill.
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We are continuing to keep up this pressure. Just last week, the Foreign Secretary announced the designation of two Russian oil giants that together produce more than 1 million barrels of oil per day. The UK has also taken steps to bolster the Ukrainian economy, including by signing the UK-Ukraine digital trade deal to ensure that Ukraine benefits from cheaper and quicker trade. UK Export Finance has provided over £500 million in loan guarantees, including for Ukraine’s own defence industry. We have committed £4.1 billion in fiscal support through loan guarantees on World Bank lending.
However, we cannot stop there. We must continue to back Ukraine, to help its people deter Russian aggression so that they can secure a just and lasting peace on their terms. That is why the Chancellor has committed £2.26 billion to the G7’s extraordinary revenue acceleration loans to Ukraine scheme. This scheme will provide a combined upfront loan of £50 billion from G7 lenders—including the US, Canada, Japan, the UK and the EU. This loan will be repaid from the extraordinary profits generated on holdings of immobilised Russian sovereign assets held in the Euroclear bank in the EU. Euroclear is an international central securities depository with a unique business model, allowing for these profits to be generated.
The EU has already enacted the necessary regulation to operationalise the Ukraine loan co-operation mechanism, which will distribute the profits from the immobilised sovereign assets. The UK’s contribution to the scheme will be provided to Ukraine as budgetary support earmarked for military procurement such as air defence and artillery. It will be delivered in three tranches over three financial years, with the first tranche intended to be delivered early this year. The funding will be issued from the Treasury estimate and was scored in the Budget in October. This new funding is additional to the £3 billion of bilateral military support, which, as I have said, the Government are committed to providing for as long as it takes.
I am aware that the noble Lord, Lord Blencathra, has tabled an amendment to the Motion, calling for immobilised Russian state assets to be used to fund financial assistance to Ukraine. I commend the noble Lord for his work on this issue and the support he has shown for Ukraine. The Bill does not allow for the seizure of assets themselves, in the EU or elsewhere. The Government continue to actively consider all lawful options for ensuring that Russia pays for the damage it has caused in Ukraine. Any action must be taken in tandem with the G7—this is vital to maintain the strength and unity the G7 has already shown in the face of Putin’s aggression. The Bill before your Lordships’ House is designed to deliver new funding to Ukraine as quickly as possible.
Importantly, the Government have agreed with our G7 allies to ensure that Russian sovereign assets remain immobilised across our jurisdictions until Russia ceases its war of aggression and pays for the damage it has caused to Ukraine. G7 lenders have worked closely together to design the scheme in a way that allows repayment in a scenario where profits cease and Russia pays reparations to Ukraine. The sole purpose of the Bill is therefore to provide the Government with a spending authority to deliver this contribution to the G7 scheme. It enables the Government to sign the loan agreement with Ukraine and begin dispersing funds.
By unlocking new funding backed by profits generated from immobilised Russian sovereign assets, we will enhance Ukraine’s ability to defend itself and step up international pressure on Putin’s war machine. We know that this war is already costing Putin dearly. It is a fight for land to which Russia has no right and for which the Russian people are paying an enormous price. To restore peace we must ensure that Putin has no path to military victory. That means deepening our resolve by working in partnership with G7 allies to provide the support Ukraine needs for as long as it takes, not only in defence of Ukrainian sovereignty and the safety of its people but for the liberal democratic values we cherish and the security we depend on. I beg to move.
I should add that I have some professional experience of dealing with Ukraine and, to speak frankly, there were issues with the siphoning off of expenditure in the health area, which the not-for-profit development body I chaired helped to end—with the support of some brave reformers in the Ukraine Government. This was before the accession of Mr Zelensky, and I know that his leadership is determined to avoid a return of this kind of practice. However, it means that the detailed arrangements for the loans need to be clear and transparent, so I have some questions to ask the Minister about the practical application of the Bill.
First, can he outline for the House the specific mechanisms by which our UK loans will be distributed and managed? Ensuring that this significant financial commitment is deployed in a timely way will be critical to achieving the desired impact.
Secondly, what parties will be involved in the transfer of these loans? Will the money be transferred directly by HM Treasury to the Government of Ukraine, will it be added to a shared pot with the G7 or will the Government use a third party, as the US is doing, which in our case might be a law firm, a specialist bank or some other body?
Thirdly, I have a novel point since we will have a new United States President in a matter of days. He has expressed a determination to bring the war in Ukraine to an end, so we need to reflect on the ramifications for this Bill. Any Trump deal might contain financial provisions. The Government need to be vigilant in ensuring that any terms ensure that the repayment of the sums provided by the Treasury continues—otherwise, there will be a substantial and unplanned cost to the UK taxpayer. The Minister will wish to comment and let us know whether the arrangements planned make that a needless concern, as I very much hope.
As we provide financial aid, we must also remain vigilant about the broader security implications of this conflict. The war in Ukraine is a stark reminder that the peace and stability we often take for granted are not guaranteed but must be actively defended. The international situation is more concerning by the day, whether in the Middle East, North Korea or the South China Sea. In recent weeks, NATO chiefs have issued warnings that the alliance must increase defence budgets to match the levels of threat we face. The new US President has called for a major increase in spending by European states, so this is a matter of key concern. The Government are yet to announce when they will reach the target of 2.5% of GDP on defence spending, a figure that many influential observers now consider to be too low. There is a strong case for speeding up this announcement. Perhaps the Minister will be kind enough to update us on the Government’s plans.
Furthermore, it is vital that we take a long-term view on this issue. Have the weapons that we have sent Ukraine been replaced? While immediate military aid to Ukraine is crucial, we must also ensure that our own Armed Forces are adequately equipped, trained and funded to address a broad spectrum of potential threats. This includes not only conventional military readiness but investments in emerging domains, such as cyber defence, where adversaries are increasingly active.
Although the moneys under discussion today do not come out of the defence budget, it is important, in an increasingly dangerous world, to focus on our defence. Can the Minister reassure the House that the Government remain fully committed to raising defence spending to 2.5% of GDP as soon as possible?
In conclusion, supporting Ukraine is not only a moral imperative but a strategic necessity. This Bill, which we support, represents a new step in reinforcing our commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and independence. However, it is incumbent upon us, as legislators, to ensure that this financial assistance is delivered effectively and transparently. I look forward to hearing from all noble Lords and to receiving answers to my questions from the Minister. Let us together send a clear and united message that the United Kingdom stands firmly with Ukraine.
Is the Minister able to help the House understand when the spring fiscal event may happen? One thing about parliamentary or governmental time is that it does not necessarily fit with a standard calendar. For most of us, spring starts either on 1 March or in late March, depending on which approach you take and whether you look to the moon or to the calendar. For the Government, sometimes an Autumn Statement has happened in late December. Can the Minister reassure the House that a spring fiscal event might happen well before Easter and will ensure not just that the £3 billion in military support for Ukraine is still in place but that His Majesty’s Government are not making any cuts to defence, providing us with a clear timeline for 2.5% of GDP for defence?
Earlier in the week, there was discussion in the other place about the Chancellor’s visit to China and the fact that, since taking over last July, the Prime Minister has been very active on the international scene. It is very welcome that Government Ministers talk frequently to our partners and allies in the G7 and NATO, and to the wider international community. The discussions with China are perhaps a little more unusual.
Is the Minister able to tell the House whether the Chancellor was able to talk to China about the sanctions that have been imposed? While the Minister was very clear that we need to work with the G7 and the European Union in terms of the imposition of sanctions, those sanctions would be so much stronger if China were also fully on board.
Further, what conversations have the Foreign Secretary, the Prime Minister or the Chancellor—or indeed any other Minister—had with our Commonwealth allies? While the response from the West, including the United States, so far to the Ukraine crisis has been very strong, the support from our Commonwealth partners has not been so strong. If the international relations in which the Government are currently engaged are really to be as effective as they might be, using the opportunity to engage with our Commonwealth partners to try to explain to them the importance of the sanctions regime and the importance of supporting Ukraine would reinforce the United Kingdom’s place on the international scene and help us give additional support to Ukraine.
In short, from these Benches we support the Bill, but we would like to see the Government go further and use all the tools at their disposal, diplomatic as well as military and financial, to give Ukraine as much support as we can as it reaches the third anniversary of the Russian invasion.
Then we come to the G7 summit in Italy in June 2024, which is the father of the Bill before us. The official communiqué said:
“We, the Leaders of the Group of Seven … gathered in Apulia … reaffirm … Ukraine’s fight for freedom and its reconstruction for as long as it takes … we decided to make available approximately USD 50 billion leveraging the extraordinary revenues of the immobilized Russian sovereign assets, sending an unmistakable signal to President Putin”.
The important words there are
“leveraging the extraordinary revenues of the immobilised Russian sovereign assets”.
So what are those assets? The figures vary, but total immobilised Russian assets are believed to be from $280 billion to about $300 billion. About $240 billion is in the EU, up to $28 billion to $30 billion in the United Kingdom and the rest elsewhere. The US does not have much at all. The $50 billion loan will be advanced to Ukraine under the G7’s extraordinary revenue acceleration scheme—the ERA—and is due to be paid back to lending countries from the interest that we are making from those immobilised Russian assets. The UK, as the Minister said, is about to extend our share of £2.26 billion under the ERA loan scheme, to be repaid from approximately 15 years-worth of interest on those Russian state assets that have been immobilised in the EU.
That $50 billion in ERA loans is, however, merely a temporary financial buffer. It falls far short of addressing Ukraine’s long-term needs, with damage requiring reconstruction surpassing $486 billion, according to the World Bank’s February 2024 assessment, and western contributions to Ukraine’s defence expenditure of roughly $105 billion annually.
The little amendment that I wanted to make to this Bill was simply to add after the words “money provided by Parliament” a sentence that said, “or out of any assets, reserves or any other property held within the jurisdiction of the United Kingdom directly or indirectly by, for or on behalf of the Russian Federation”. That would permit us, if we so decided—it is a permissive power—to utilise the whole of the $30 billion of Russian assets that we have. I am very happy to use taxpayers’ money in the Bill, but I am more keen to use Russian money. The whole purpose of my amendment today is to ask the Government: why on earth not take that permissive power to utilise Russian assets? Why are those words not in the Bill?
Since it is morally and legally right in international law to keep the Russian money immobilised but spend the interest raised on it to help the reconstruction of Ukraine, it must also be legally right in international law to spend the capital assets themselves to help Ukraine. Canada and the United States have taken this path. In 2022, Canada introduced legislation that enables its Government to seize state and individual assets frozen in Canada in cases of grave breaches of international peace and security. In 2023, the United States passed the Rebuilding Economic Prosperity and Opportunity for Ukrainians Act—the REPO Act—which allows immobilised Russian sovereign assets seized and transferred under US jurisdiction to be sent to Ukraine.
Some have suggested that our Treasury has blocked this because of a misguided fear that it will deter foreign investment in the City or the UK, since it could send a message to foreign investors that the UK will suddenly seize their assets without good reason. That is just not the case and is not going to happen. The concerns that seizure would lead to the withdrawal of global reserves held in the G7 currencies and their ultimate devaluation are grossly exaggerated. The practical impact of indefinite immobilisation, as we have done, and confiscation is exactly the same. Three years of immobilising these Russian assets have not led to a flight of capital from the US dollar, the euro or Great British pounds, and there are no grounds for believing that confiscation will have that effect either.
In January 2024, the United Kingdom and Ukraine signed an agreement on security co-operation. Among the 66 paragraphs or articles were the following:
“The Participants reaffirm that the Russian Federation must pay for the long-term reconstruction of Ukraine. Russian sovereign assets in the UK’s jurisdiction will remain immobilised until the Russian Federation has paid for the damage it has caused to Ukraine. The UK, working with its partners, will continue to pursue all lawful routes through which Russian assets can be used to support Ukraine … As a priority, the Participants will continue to work together with others, including G7 states, to explore options for the development of appropriate mechanisms to provide reparation for damage, loss, or injury caused by Russian aggression”.
That is what the last Government said, but what do the current Government say? It seems exactly the same, I am pleased to say.
On 6 December last year, in answer to a Written Question from my noble friend Lord Banner, the Minister said:
“This Government is clear that Russia must be held responsible for its illegal war. That includes its obligations under international law to pay for the damage it has caused in Ukraine. Working with allies, we continue to pursue all possible lawful avenues by which Russia is made to meet those obligations. Our agreement with G7 partners to provide approximately $50 billion in additional funding to Ukraine, repaid by the profits generated on sanctioned Russian sovereign assets, is an important step towards ensuring Russia pays.”
Note the words, “an important step”—not the only step. The only way that Russia can be made to pay is to use all the immobilised assets held in the UK, EU and US. These should be transferred to an international fund, as the Council of Europe has called for.
It is morally right to use those assets; it is legally right under international law to use those assets. The whole point of my Motion today is to plead with the Government to take those permissive powers, to use when the time is right. Will the Government please explain to me and the House in more detail why they are not taking that route? I beg to move.
Being mindful of these precedents is one of two reasons why I believe this Bill and our wider aid for Ukraine is important. The other is the state of public opinion in western Europe. In democratic politics, public opinion today is in general a pretty accurate guide to the attitude of leaders tomorrow. That being the case, polling conducted by YouGov in December makes sobering reading. It reveals that in seven key European countries, including our own, support for continuing assistance for Ukraine has fallen markedly. Equally, support for ceasing support and reconciling ourselves to a compelled peace, even on terms markedly unfavourable to Ukraine, has increased.
To some extent, this is a consequence of the more ambivalent US attitude Europeans expect from the new Administration when they take office. The figures are striking, none the less. In Germany, Spain, France and Italy, support for continuing assistance to Ukraine is now lower than for concluding a peace favourable to Russia. Even in Britain, there is only 4% between the two options.
Concerning though these figures are, the purpose of government is not to act as a weathervane reflecting public opinion but to lead it. I applaud the efforts of Ministers in the previous Administration—not least the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad, who I regret is not in his place to hear this—in the support they afforded Ukraine. I also have complete confidence in the Ministers on our Front Bench and in the other place; I am sure they will prove equally adamantine in their resolve.
What Ukraine needs is constancy, and the mechanism to which this Bill gives effect provides that. An ebbing of our support and that of our allies would lead to a collapse of the rules-based international order, a spiralling refugee crisis and the subjugation of a free and sovereign people. It would be not only morally wrong but run counter to our own interests and those of any country which values stability and collective security.
In 1941, President Roosevelt gave one of his celebrated fireside chats in which he described the US as an “arsenal of democracy”. It contained some words which apply to our situation, as they did to his:
“We have furnished … great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. There will be no ‘bottlenecks’ in our determination … No dictator … will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination”.
It is in that spirit that I offer this Bill my unambiguous support.
There is more to do in exploring the use of frozen Russian assets, but that lies outside the scope of this legislation. I am sure that those who support that ambition and who are yet to speak, or who will speak on other occasions, are aware that there was a Back-Bench debate on this issue in the other place, led by the Liberal Democrat Mike Martin, on 6 January. I draw noble Lords’ attention—I am not stepping in for the Minister; he is perfectly capable of doing this himself— to column 671 of that debate. Stephen Doughty, the Minister of State at the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, responded to the debate. I will read the following passage in full to your Lordships:
“The fundamental questions about what more we can do to use Russian assets for the benefit of Ukraine were at the heart of the debate. The Government and our G7 partners have repeatedly affirmed our position. Russia’s obligations under international law are clear: it must pay for the damage it has caused to Ukraine. The ERA loan and our contribution will ensure that Ukraine can receive the financial support that it needs now—it was right to focus on getting that out the door, because we urgently need to support Ukraine now—with the profits generated on sanctioned Russian sovereign assets providing that. I reassure colleagues throughout the House who have rightly asked a lot of searching and challenging questions that we are committed to considering all possible lawful avenues by which Russia can be made to meet its obligation to pay for the damage it is causing to Ukraine. We continue to work with allies to that end”.”.—[Official Report, Commons, 6/1/25; col. 671.]
Thereafter, the contributions, few that they were in that debate, were supportive of that position, as I am.
It is in the spirit of President Roosevelt that I offer the Bill my unambiguous support. I am proud that we have devoted to Ukraine more assistance than any other single country save the US and Germany, and trust that we will continue our support, conscious that Ukraine is not defending merely itself but the UK and all its European allies and friends.
so far, so good indeed. Secondly, it says:
“Furthermore, it should be possible for third countries to directly use extraordinary revenues stemming from the immobilisation of Russian sovereign assets within their jurisdiction to reduce the repayment needs of any respective bilateral loan provided to Ukraine, thereby supporting the Mechanism by reducing the total level of support that would be required for that loan”.
My question, therefore, is: can the Minister confirm today—just for clarity for the House—which of those two avenues has been adopted? I appreciate that we are following an absolutely legal route.
Of course, I welcome the fact, as the Minister explained earlier, that we are using the contribution that we are making for improving even further our contribution to the military needs that Ukraine has to defend itself. I welcome everything he said in that regard. Like my noble friend Lord Blencathra, I am tempted now—and I go beyond temptation—to range a little more widely. I am grateful to the Minister for giving such a very clear explanation and for adding—as was alluded to by the mention of the comments of the Minister in the other place—that the Government were open to other options, subject to genuine conditions about legality. Of course, I hope that if an agreement were to be reached within the G7 in the future that said that the Russian sovereign assets themselves could be seized and used to assist Ukraine, that might provide a legal basis on which we could then fulfil what my noble friend has put down in his amendment to the Motion today.
I recognise what my noble friend on the Front Bench Lady Neville-Rolfe said about how one has to be very careful and look at the consequences. However, I have in mind the response to a Question that I put to my noble friend Lord Cameron of Chipping Norton— I think that my noble friend knows what is coming—when he gave evidence to the European Affairs Committee just over a year ago. In this regard, I asked him how we could go further and what the Government were doing—this was the Conservative Government in December 2023 —to take some really gutsy action. I got a gutsy answer. He said in response:
“We are in a real fight for the sort of security on our continent that we believe in, and extraordinary times require extraordinary measures, so I am instinctively in favour of trying to do this”—
that is, to get agreement with the G7 to go further. I have to ask the Minister whether he is also “instinctively in favour” of trying to go further—within international law. I always agree with that.
To go a little more widely still, UK Governments, both Conservative and now Labour, have been admirably consistent in their imposition of sanctions on those who support the illegal invasion of Ukraine, either directly or indirectly. In relation to that, I will refer very briefly to the unresolved matter of Mr Abramovich’s delaying tactics to avoid fulfilling the commitment that he made way back in March 2022 to use the £2.5 billion of frozen assets arising from his sale of Chelsea Football Club that he promised in support of Ukraine.
For over a year now I have been asking Ministers in both Conservative and Labour Governments during evidence sessions in the European Affairs Committee why we have had to wait so long and still nothing seems to happen. We do not seem to be able to break through Abramovich’s prevarication and obfuscation and hold him to his promise. The response from Ministers in both Governments has been that they are thoroughly determined—they are on the case, and they want to ensure that the long-promised charitable foundation will be established and deliver funds to those in need in Ukraine, both now and during the reconstruction of the devastation caused in Ukraine by Russia. Can the Minister update us? Is there any progress with this negotiation with Mr Abramovich? If the Minister is not in a position to answer my questions today, I will not try to hold up the debate any longer—I just hope that he will write to me.
I look forward to the noble Baroness, Lady Batters, giving her maiden speech, and I look forward to the Bill getting Royal Assent ASAP and the money reaching those who need the extra-military defence in Ukraine.
The $50 billion produced by the agreement by the G7 will provide vital funding for Ukraine to support its military, humanitarian and—as already outlined in the debate—economic recovery. The UK’s £2.6 billion contribution to the ERA fund will be earmarked for military procurement to bolster Ukraine’s self-defence. We can look at the way in which Russia has indiscriminately fired missiles into Ukraine’s civilian population to see why that investment is important. As the Minister said, this is in addition to the £12.8 billion that the UK has already given in support of Ukraine. It is also in addition to the support given by ordinary men and women in this country who opened their doors to Ukrainian refugees in the early stages of the conflict.
The unique nature of this agreement means that the loan will be paid not by Ukraine but from the extraordinary profits made on sanctioned Russian sovereign assets that are held by the EU. As we know, many of those assets, both private and state, will have been stolen from the Russian people to benefit the elites around Putin. The sanctions and asset freezes, as the Minister pointed out in his opening address, have been an important tool in limiting the Russian aggression in Ukraine, not only by the Russian state but, it can be argued, by individuals who are perpetuating the myth that Ukraine is part of sovereign Russia.
More needs to be done, however, whether controlling Russia’s use of its grey tanker fleets to evade oil sections or the export of UK and EU goods through third countries to Russia to avoid sanctions. Sanction-busting exports range from electronic goods that are useful to the Russian military all the way to Rolls-Royce motor cars. What more can be done to clamp down on this circumvention of sanctions, not only through exporting to third countries but through companies in this country whose products are still ending up in Russia?
I do not know whether the Minister saw the article in the latest Sunday Times about the export of Rolls-Royce cars to Russia. In it, Chris Brownridge, Rolls-Royce’s chief executive, commented that there was no evidence of its dealers breaking sanctions. Considering the unmistakeable evidence that Rolls-Royce motor cars are still appearing in showrooms in Moscow, this seemed quite a pathetic response; he clearly does not have a very inquiring mind in asking how they are getting there. Rolls-Royce cars may be one of the more visible signs of sanctions evasion, but we know that components for electronic and other goods are being sent through third countries to Russia to help in the building of components for military equipment, which is then being used in Russia’s war in Ukraine.
I have some sympathy with the amendment tabled by the noble Lord, Lord Blencathra. More needs to be done on how we free up these assets. We also need to look at what else can be done to find assets in this country that have clearly been used and salted away with third parties to avoid sanctions or freezing.
I once again welcome the Bill and the continuing cross-party support for Ukraine in its struggle against Russian aggression. This will be a clear message from both this House and the other House that Russian aggression will be resisted, and that Ukraine has our full, united support.