I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second time.
Electricity transmission is something on which we all depend and, simultaneously, tend to take for granted. The upgrading of the network is necessary to ensure that we improve the efficiency and resilience of our system. It will enable us to improve our energy security by bringing in new capacity, such as in the nuclear field, and our renewable capacity by increasing the use of elements such as offshore wind. On that much, all hon. Members will agree.
At the same time, farmers, homeowners, local communities and individuals should expect to have their rights and interests protected while that programme unfolds, and to be treated fairly and equitably when disputes arise. It is the failure of those elements that necessitates today’s Bill. In the UK, National Grid owns and operates our electricity and natural gas transmission networks. It is one of the largest investor-owned utility companies in the world: in the United States, as well as operating transmission networks, the company produces and supplies electricity and gas, and provides both to customers in New York and Massachusetts.
Let me be clear to the shareholders of National Grid that it is the intransigence, abrasiveness and downright disrespect of elements of the company’s management that has led me to introduce the Bill, on behalf of not only my constituents who are currently affected but those of many other representatives in this House who will be affected in future. Where disputes arise between one of the world’s most powerful companies and our constituents, it is essential that we have a means of resolving them in a way that is clear, affordable, fair and enforceable.
I believe that the Government share those objectives, so the Bill, as with the Down Syndrome Act 2022 that I introduced last year, has been kept deliberately simple at this stage to enable us to reach agreement on the specific mechanisms that can be incorporated at later stages as the Bill progresses through Parliament. It is true that a range of dispute resolution mechanisms exist, but it is clear from experience that they are not capable of dealing in an acceptable way with disputes that arise. If they were, there would be no need for the Bill.
I congratulate my right hon. Friend on his impassioned speech. Does he agree that we in this place should always encourage people to do the right thing, as the Bill hopefully will? I am concerned that it sounds, from his introduction, as though that company is not doing the right thing.
I am not questioning whether the company wishes to do the right thing, but in practice it has not behaved in a way that is acceptable to me as a representative of the people of North Somerset. I therefore suggest that we need new mechanisms to ensure that what I regard as genuinely fair practice is enforceable. That is one of the problems with the current system. I shall now illustrate the generic case with some specific examples from the experiences of my constituents.
For those who are unfamiliar with the background, in preparation for the Hinkley C nuclear power station coming online, the Hinkley connection project is a new high-voltage electricity connection between Bridgwater and Seabank, near Avonmouth. The new connection will be 57 km long, consisting of 48.5 km of overhead lines and 8.5 km of underground cables, mainly through the Mendip hills area of outstanding natural beauty. The existing 132 kV power lines will be replaced, as they will be across the country, by new 400 kV overhead lines using very much larger T-pylons, with the removal of most of the existing pylon system, which we are used to seeing in our towns and countryside.
It is not my intention in the Bill to argue the pros and cons of the new pylon system, controversial though that it is, or to argue for the relative merits of pylons or undergrounding of new cables. My intention is to ensure that where the interests of our constituents are materially affected they are given due protection. A number of my constituents in North Somerset have been battling with National Grid for over 10 years now to try to protect their homes and livelihoods.
My first constituent’s circumstance has resulted in the value of their property being materially impacted by the project, which is perhaps an unavoidable consequence of this type of infrastructure upgrade. My second constituent is a farmer whose livelihood is being destroyed by the same scheme. In both cases, National Grid seems to believe that it has no responsibility to take due regard of the emotional, social or economic consequences facing my constituents, whose only redress is therefore through the courts at the Upper Tribunal. In the case of my first constituent, who was forced to pursue that route, that ended up costing them a staggering £200,000 in legal fees.
As the country moves to decarbonise and away from fossil fuels, a conservative estimate is that the requirement for electricity will double—it may triple—in the next 20 to 30 years, and an inevitable consequence is that we will need many more pylon routes. Does my right hon. Friend agree that this is therefore a particularly opportune Bill and that it is important for hon. Members who perhaps do not think it applies to them yet?
I am extremely grateful to my hon. Friend for making that point so clearly. At the moment, it is a relatively small geographical problem that affects a relatively small number of us, but it is going to be a much bigger problem in the future, affecting many more constituencies across the country. As so often happens, we are able today to anticipate a problem and do something about it. What I hope will not happen—all too often it does—is that we try to kick it into the long grass. It is far better that we find a solution to the problem now that is fair, reasonable, enforceable and equitable and bring that forward with Government action. We otherwise face long fights on behalf of our constituents in the House and potentially through the legal system. The current system of forcing constituents to the Upper Tribunal is neither fair nor affordable, and access to justice is not possible where one side can use its financial and therefore legal might in effect to intimidate those who stand in their way. That is exactly the point that my hon. Friend was making.
My second constituent is a local North Somerset farmer who has some of his land adjacent to my first constituent. His family have been farming in the area for generations. As with so many of our farmers, they love and care for their land and the local environment, and they focus on farming in an environmentally friendly and regenerative manner. The preservation of soil is key to the whole business model. As a consequence of the scheme and the flagrant disregard for that preservation, his land has been ruined for generations to come. Haul roads have been constructed over peat bogs, and they have caused material drainage issues. National Grid has consistently refused to agree a workable drainage strategy. This will impact future yields and render it less productive and less valuable as farmable land, not just for a couple of years but for generations. What is worse is that a compensation scheme agreed with National Grid’s land agent at the start of the scheme has now been reneged on, as National Grid is now questioning the formula agreed by its own land agent. When my constituent challenged that approach, he was faced with a bullying and abrasive response, and is constantly told that he could pursue the matter through the courts, which, quite obviously, he is not in a position to do.
My right hon. Friend the Member for North Somerset (Dr Fox) has proposed a mechanism to ensure fairer treatment for those whose rights or land are subject to acquisition. I declare my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests: I have a wayleave on my little farm, and I receive money for that. It is not a great deal, but it is important to announce that, so that no one hears what I will say without knowing that.
My right hon. Friend’s Bill relates to projects that concern electricity and gas transmission. In the south of my constituency is the National Grid high-pressure gas pipeline, which runs underneath, or near to, Upton Bishop, where I live. Such projects are of vital national importance, and I would not wish them to be hampered by long, drawn-out negotiations between stakeholders. The time that the High Speed 2 rail link has taken to progress and its expense demonstrate the need for speed and efficiency when proceeding with publicly beneficial projects, but those who face vast inconvenience and an emotional impact as a result need to be treated as fairly as possible, and with the utmost consideration.
I was horrified to read in an article in Farmers Weekly that months, and even years, can pass without landowners seeing a penny of compensation when their land and access rights are subject to acquisition. It stated that, in some cases, people have been left waiting for up to 10 years for payment once a compulsory purchase order has been served.
Without a mechanism that is separate from the negotiations surrounding a purchase of land, landowners are forced to take disputes to the Upper Tribunal lands chamber. If they lose their case, they may be forced to pay the legal costs of the acquiring body. The main thrust of what my right hon. Friend said is that it is a David and Goliath-type contest that is deeply unfair to the David part—that is, the landowner. In complex cases, when business viability is called into question, that can amount to tens, or even hundreds, of thousands of pounds. That makes the legal route both expensive and risky, as my right hon. Friend pointed out. It is not fair that landowners who, through no fault of their own, are separated from their land or rights are dragged through a demoralising legal process. In many cases, they cannot even afford that, especially given that the outcome of legal proceedings are not certain, and the landowner may still feel aggrieved about the loss of his land in the first place.
Does my hon. Friend agree that there is something strange in how there are built-in compensation mechanisms for projects such as HS2 and Crossrail, which tend to affect more urban populations, but there is little protection, if any, for projects such as those he describes, which affect more rural locations?
That is the reason I am here today: the system is skewed to disadvantage rural populations, who carry quite a lot of the burden of energy distribution. What we are looking for is fairness.
I praise the work that Western Power does in my constituency to supply homes with the energy that they need. I listened to my right hon. Friend’s speech about National Grid; I could not feel more differently about Western Power, a fantastic company that goes the extra mile for my constituents every time. I hope it is listening to this effusive praise, because I really love these guys—they are fantastic. However, the principle behind our debate is the need for compensation. Although Western Power has been fair in its dealings with me, I agree with my right hon. Friend that those who are subject to acquisitions of rights or land deserve fair compensation.
It is a pleasure to be called to speak in this debate. May I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Member for North Somerset (Dr Fox) on introducing the Bill. We recently co-operated on what became the Down Syndrome Act 2022. He has again found an area where there is a need to support people through better legislation.
Representing a mostly rural constituency, I am aware of the need for ensuring a robust and resilient distribution network for our utilities. We are in that period of the year when strong winds and driving rain can threaten infrastructure, and thousands of miles of cable criss-cross the constituencies of everyone here today. The weather makes it more difficult to repair damage, so I thank the people who put a lot of hard work into mending our infrastructure. I appreciate the speed with which they are usually able to make repairs.
Given the challenges, naturally, the utilities will want to develop the infrastructure and build more resilient networks. There are also areas where development requires greater capacity. I am aware of one mooted development in Hampshire that is threatened by the lack of national grid and feeder capacity on the lower voltage lines. We cannot have development that is not backed by infrastructure at all times. However, it has to happen on a fair basis, and respect the communities and people whose lives could be temporarily or permanently disrupted by this work. There are also private companies trying to get into the market with their own speculative projects that give rise to applications for development and compulsory purchase.
I have a particular concern about wider issues of utility provision and the disruption that it can cause, which I think the Bill can help with. I am thinking of water. In Hampshire there are proposals to lay a pipeline across the county. A new reservoir is being built in my constituency to the north of Havant. Since that application was granted, there is a new proposal for a development consent order so that a pipeline can be built from that reservoir to the Otterbourne water treatment works in the constituency of my hon. Friend the Member for Winchester (Steve Brine).
I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Member for North Somerset (Dr Fox) on introducing the Bill. The transmission of electricity is at the heart of our energy security in the UK. Energy sources are an essential part of our move towards net zero, which is crucial if we are to limit the effects of climate change and insulate ourselves against shocks to the global energy market.
The south-west is a natural powerhouse, but the lack of efficient connections in the grid limits how much energy can be moved around the system. I have farmers in North Devon who have been working to install solar panels on their dairies, only to be prevented from connecting them because the national grid does not have enough capacity locally. Farmers who are working hard to provide the British public with high-quality British produce are being prevented from accessing more sustainable and secure forms of energy. That is contrary to what should be happening. Instead of putting in place barriers to the development of the national grid, we need to work on a strategy to increase capacity, while fully recognising the needs of landowners and people near to where that capacity may be installed.
The Celtic sea offers a fantastic opportunity to develop a significant amount of renewable energy for the UK. However, installing pylons should not be our default for increasing grid capacity. Undersea cables have been proven to work, with offshore wind sites and now with floating offshore wind. Residents along coasts in the UK have demonstrated their preference for a strategic offshore grid in place of pylon schemes. The effects of pylons on environmentally significant areas and areas of outstanding natural beauty are a concern, as they can damage the landscape and people’s access to the countryside—that is in addition to what we have seen in the horrific cases detailed by my right hon. Friend the Member for North Somerset. In North Devon, we are fortunate to have the UK’s oldest biosphere reserve, and to damage our biodiversity, outstanding landscapes or scientifically significant areas, such as Braunton Burrows, because of the lack of a strategy on how to upgrade our grid capacity effectively would be unforgivable. If we are considering a strategic offshore grid, we must ensure that it is installed sensitively.
It is a pleasure to follow my hon. Friends the Members for North Devon (Selaine Saxby) and for North Herefordshire (Sir Bill Wiggin), and my right hon. Friend the Member for North Somerset (Dr Fox). There seems to be a theme; perhaps what we are debating only affects people in the north of their counties. Representing north Staffordshire, as I do in Newcastle-under-Lyme, it may be appropriate that I am speaking as well. It is always a pleasure to be here on a Friday doing important work on Bills such as this one. I pay tribute to everybody who is here doing so, particularly the hon. Member for Newport West (Ruth Jones). Instead of listening to me, she could be watching Gareth Bale—I wish Wales well and I am sure she is not following the game on her phone. [Laughter.]
I pay tribute to the Bill’s promoter, my right hon. Friend the Member for North Somerset, not only for what he is doing today, but for what he did with the Down Syndrome Act 2022. He referred to it today, as have colleagues, including my hon. Friend the Member for Meon Valley (Mrs Drummond). I noticed the other day that he won campaigner of the year at The Spectator awards, which goes to show that the legislation will really make a difference to the lives of many people with Down’s syndrome and their families throughout the country. That is what these sitting Fridays are all about. If he could tell me how to win the ballot—he has been lucky twice in a row—that would be greatly appreciated.
My right hon. Friend is right to say that we need to upgrade our grid. As we move to decarbonise our sources of heat and electricity, more will be delivered through electricity, because heat pumps and transport—electric cars and so on—will put an increasing demand on the grid. The Government consultation on land rights and consents for electricity network infrastructure, which was held in August and September, summarised the scale and pace of change to electricity networks that is anticipated; peak electricity demand is expected to go from 58 GW in 2020 to between 130 GW and 190 GW in 2050 to meet both our net zero targets and, increasingly in the light of Putin’s illegal invasion of Ukraine, our energy security targets. The report went on to say:
10:17 am
20 of 38 shown
In that first case, the family bought their home in January 2008, with the intention of knocking down the old house and building a new one. They carried out all possible searches from a conveyancing perspective, as the project was their magnum opus that was going to use their life savings and ultimately provide their pension in years to come. The Hinkley scheme never showed up on any searches undertaken and, by its own admission, National Grid accepted that the Hinkley connection project would not have been visible in any searches undertaken at that point in time.
Once the project was formerly announced in 2010, my constituent made representations at every possible hearing, to both National Grid and the inspectorate, asking factual questions around pylon location and impact. For years, no one was able or willing to provide any specific answers or assurances on whether and to what degree the project would have a material impact on the value of their house. As hon. Members can appreciate, that caused, and is still causing, an unimaginable amount of stress for the family. The feeling of being effectively powerless in a stand-off with one of the world’s most powerful multinationals has left them with a level of fear and anxiety that I leave the House to imagine.
The detail of the scheme was to put two 132 kV lines under their drive, which includes their garage come office, and a 400 kV T-pylon close enough to the property that, were it to fall, would fall right to the edge of the house itself. That is in addition to building an access road that now abuts their property. Where once there were only fields and sheep, there will now be a massive new pylon outside their home.
Additionally, they have been served with restrictions around permitted development rights of their property and National Grid and supplying parties have been granted access rights to their property, which would allow them to break down their gate or knock down their garage and office in order to carry out any necessary reparations to the undergrounded line. Perhaps those are necessary rights, but they have a detrimental effect on the sale price of the property.
Although my constituents were constantly engaged with National Grid, all conversations were completely ineffectual as National Grid did not have to listen or provide any answers to their questions because it was able to point to the development consent order—the DCO—that seemingly gave it carte blanche to do what it wanted. Unlike other large infrastructure schemes such as High Speed 2 or Crossrail, no discretionary compensation scheme was established for the project, so National Grid has simply focused on what it has been legally allowed to do, with little regard for the impact on individuals’ existing properties, and irrespective of the personal or financial impact. Hon. Members may want to think about that in respect of future potential cases. Consequently, the only route left open for my constituent to protect their home and life savings was to pursue a blight claim through the Upper Tribunal—which for reasons that are readily apparent they did not want to do.
Given the rarity of statutory blight claims, my constituents recognised the enormous risk in undertaking such an action, and they did not take it lightly. However, since they had no other avenues to pursue, they were compelled to do something to avoid financial ruin. To be clear, all they were trying to protect was their right to sell their house at a fair market value at a time of their choosing. I would like to think that hon. Members on both sides of the House would regard that as a basic right.
The odds are stacked against individuals in such cases. Even the small win that my constituent made in the judgment—the recognition that there would be a 5% diminution in the value of their property—was pointless, because National Grid will no longer accept and pay compensation as it says that the rights that it now requires over the property have changed. A constant moving of the goalposts as well as a refusal to accept responsibility for its actions—or decisions that go against it—have been constant features in National Grid’s behaviour. Its response is all too typically to challenge individuals to take it to the Upper Tribunal, with a potentially huge new tranche of expense.
In addition, as a consequence of the company’s inadequate and seemingly ignorant and ill-thought-out approach towards the resettling of badgers, setts have been blocked off. That forced badgers on to his land and infected his herd—something he told the company could happen, but it chose not to listen. As someone who had never had a single case of TB on his farm for 30 years, he was forced to cull 110 cattle out of a herd of 350. Seventy of those were in calf, so not only did he lose a huge proportion of his stock but his stock has been massively affected for the next three years. In turn, that has cost him tens of thousands of pounds. And that is without taking on board the suffering farmers endure when they witness the suffering and slaughter of their own animals.
A third case involves another farmer across whose land an access road was driven. Promises were made to return the land to its previous condition, which was, incidentally, part of the best quality farming land in the area. When I visited the farm recently, I was horrified at the condition of the fields. Building debris was so widely scattered that it would be impossible to utilise a range of farming vehicles without undue damage. Yet again, the response from National Grid, or at least its local agents, was that it had done what was required of it and that if my constituent was not satisfied it would see them in court—a very regular chorus being developed in this particular song.
A fourth case involved an elderly constituent who has a single piece of land, which is her chief financial asset. This has effectively been taken out of use for the next seven years by National Grid perfectly legally as part of the access programme for the installation of the new pylons and underground cables. Again, there has been a callous disregard for the fact that this effectively renders her biggest source of potential income inaccessible. Here again, the response has been that if she is not happy, she can pursue the matter through the courts. The disregard for individual interests and natural justice appals me.
Members across the House will be able to see from these relatively simple examples a clear pattern of behaviour developing. Some might say that from the point of view of National Grid shareholders, the approach is not irrational, as they will be able to proceed with their electricity transmission project at minimal discretionary financial cost. The rest of us, however, will surely believe that we have to put in place measures to fulfil the four tests I set out earlier, giving our constituents a system of dispute resolution that is clear, affordable, fair and enforceable.
I am grateful to Ministers for the discussions that we have had thus far on the subject and their understanding that there is a clear problem that needs to be addressed. The current dispute resolution mechanisms are not adequate. That cannot be allowed to stand as the solution to the problem. A range of options is available which I hope we can continue to explore as we move towards the Committee stage and subsequent stages of the Bill. I have noticed in recent weeks a growing awareness from Members representing constituencies across the country who recognise that this will become a problem for them if we do not find adequate solutions now.
As I said at the beginning, we all understand the need for an effective, efficient and resilient electricity transmission system, but it cannot be built at the expense of our constituents and the natural justice to which they are undoubtedly entitled. We cannot allow large multinationals to bully those who have legitimate interests and grievances, and to use their financial, and therefore legal, might to crush resistance underfoot.
Today, my North Somerset constituents are, largely, the most affected, but many more constituencies will be affected in the future. We in this House have a duty to protect, in any situation, those who are weak from the excesses of those who are stronger, and to ensure that decency, social responsibility, rights of property owners and environmental protection are given their proper place. Last year, in the passing the Down Syndrome Act 2022, this House showed that it understood that it could unite for the common good. I ask colleagues to do the same today.
Farmers are disproportionately affected by the projects that are addressed by the Bill. Agriculture accounts for 63% of land use in England, so farmer are, of course, most affected by gas and electricity supply lines. A farmer’s land, however, is also his greatest asset, and it is very difficult to quantify the cost of disruption that an infrastructure project may cause. The basic principle of compulsory purchase compensation is that the person affected should be returned to the position that they were in before the acquisition took place. For farmers, that is often not what happens. The separate components of compensation payments do not adequately address the injuries that farmers may face.
For example, not only do the huge 400kW pylons that are required to transmit electricity take up about 60 square meters during construction, but their placement reduces crop yields for years to come. In some cases, pylons are obstacles for farmers driving combine harvesters or other farm machinery. When builders put transmission lines in place, they may cause damage to crops or leave gates open, leading to animals escaping. My local paper, the Hereford Times, reports that at least one agricultural accident involving overhead lines, posing a threat to life for farmers and livestock, is reported nationwide every day. A one-off severance payment does not take those effects into account, as they are difficult to quantify.
The current system benefits only the acquirer of the land or rights. National Farmers Union rural surveyor Louise Staples has claimed:
“Acquirers have too much power. There should be a greater understanding that the purchase affects people’s homes, livelihoods and family history.”
I hope that any system proposed by the Secretary of State looks more favourably on farmers than the current system of negotiation, in which there is a huge imbalance of power.
Part of the south Wales gas pipeline, which transports high-pressure gas from Gloucestershire to Pembrokeshire —actually from Pembrokeshire to Gloucestershire, I suspect—runs through my constituency. Herefordshire is one of the main entry points to Wales, as the Wye valley is more suitable for infrastructure projects than the Cambrian mountains. For the same reason, the percentage of land used for agriculture in Herefordshire is far above the national average, so Herefordshire’s population density is very low—the fourth lowest of any county in England. That creates issues with gas and electricity provision, with a need for electricity cables that are not as high-voltage but are none the less disruptive, as they cover large distances between substations.
A 132 kV overhead cable runs from Herefordshire to Worcester, through the south of my constituency. Hon. Members will be familiar with overhead cables of that kind, as they are frequently held up by ugly steel lattice pylons, which can look very similar to 400 kV pylons. The network distributor, Western Power, published a document last year suggesting that the existing 66 kV lines are ageing and may be replaced by 132 kV lines. Of course that is welcome, because it is important that we maintain our electricity lines and that they be up to standard, but I am concerned that those whose livelihood will be affected by the works will not be compensated fairly.
Southern Water is already sending letters to residents warning them that their land may be needed. I have been contacted by distressed constituents who are worried that they will be presented with compensation that does not represent the damage that the loss of the land will do to their business—as my right hon. Friend the Member for North Somerset said, that is particularly the case for farmers of animals. I was quite distressed to hear what my right hon. Friend said about the farmers. One of my constituents has some very valuable llamas and has no idea where she will put them. I hope that it will be possible to arrive at a pipeline route that interferes as little as possible with such constituents. There is some way to go before the route is finalised and the DCO begins.
If the Bill proceeds, I hope that it will be possible to have an amendment that considers water. It need not add to the complexity of the Bill or of the operation of the compensation mechanism. The movement of water is massively infrastructure-heavy. The work required is every bit as intrusive as that for gas pipelines and electricity pylons. I hope that Ministers will not only listen to pleas from my right hon. Friend for action on electricity and gas, but keep in mind water companies. We must have the infrastructure that we need for secure, modern utility provision, but things have to be done fairly. People who have to give up part of their land must be compensated fairly for the loss, and for any ongoing impact.
We have made great strides towards a net zero future, but it is crucial that we do not unnecessarily disturb stored carbon. The ban on peat use in domestic gardening products recognises the benefits of keeping stored carbon in the peat, alongside the unique habitat that is provided to a diversity of species. As peat is the stored carbon of animals that died in wetlands millennia ago, carbon in our seabeds is stored from the marine lifecycle; phytoplankton photosynthesise and take carbon out of the atmosphere, and, through the lifecycle of the sea, it is ultimately stored in the seabed.
Storing carbon is one of the key pillars of reducing the effects of climate change. When we have incidents such as the recent methane gas leaks from the Nord Stream pipeline, which are estimated to release as much gas as one and a half days of global methane emissions, we need to ensure that we do not unnecessarily contribute to releasing stored fossil fuels. I would like budgets for installing an offshore strategic grid to include blue carbon when assessing how and where these cables could be installed, and I would like us to minimise blue carbon disruption through the use of cable corridors. There is much to celebrate as we develop an energy grid for the 21st century and beyond, but I very much hope that strategies and legislation will take into account our precious nature and landscapes, alongside increasing the capacity and efficiencies of our grid.
“Over the next decade and beyond, this means an unprecedented build of new electricity network infrastructure and reinforcement, especially of the existing distribution network where between 200,000-600,000 km of additional distribution network cabling could be required by 2050.”
My right hon. Friend is at the sharp end of that, with his constituency near Hinkley Point C. That is because these big new developments will put a lot of demand on the capacity to get that electricity out and across the country more widely, as we on the Science and Technology Committee have heard in our current investigation into nuclear. We are generating a huge amount of electricity in one place in Hinkley, as we will be in Sizewell following the Chancellor’s welcome announcement last week that we are going ahead with that.
My right hon. Friend the Member for North Somerset is right to champion his constituents. Although I have not had the cases he has had, I am sure the criticism of National Grid is warranted, because we see this kind of thing all too often. I do not have the data, and one thing I noted when preparing for this debate is that we do not have good data about how often such consents are sought in our constituencies. Perhaps the Government could look to get Members of Parliament more information about how much of a problem this is in our areas.
The constituency represent is not nearly as rural as those of the Members who have spoken before me, but the principles remain the same—solid, Conservative principles of justice, fairness and people’s property rights. As my right hon. Friend said in his opening speech, sometimes it feels as if the odds are stacked against individuals. As my hon. Friend the Member for North Herefordshire said, the principles that ought to apply with compensation—putting people in the same position as they would otherwise have been in—often do not seem to be observed. That is why Bills such as this, which create independent means for people to seek redress and compensation at an appropriate level, are so important.
That does not make me a member of an anti-growth coalition, or anything like that. If we want infrastructure in this country—if we want to build things for the overall betterment of our national population and build national infrastructure—we need to be more constructive and work with people affected. My hon. Friend the Member for North Herefordshire said that HS2 was better than what we have here, but in truth HS2 has caused no end of trouble as it carves its way through the countryside, and, indeed, through Staffordshire.
People have to fight so hard even to get back to the position they were in. We perhaps need to offer them more than 100%, as France does. In France, they make sure that affected people are not only made whole, but get some compensation and acknowledgement of the disruption that is caused when their land is concreted over or they have to sell their house subject to compulsory purchase. In this country, we do not work with the grain enough when it comes to housing or infrastructure.
I welcome the Bill, which is all about ensuring that we treat our constituents fairly. My right hon. Friend the Member for North Somerset has been an undoubted champion for his constituents in this Bill and in the speech he made today. As he said, this will flow to other people. My hon. Friend the Member for Meon Valley said that this could usefully be extended to other utilities, not just water but perhaps broadband—sometimes the disruption that that causes is quite substantial. I look forward to further progress on the Bill, and to what more can be done in Committee. I welcome the fact that the Government will work with my right hon. Friend the Member for North Somerset in pursuing this important piece of legislation, and I hope that it goes through its further stages in this place and the other place.