As I was saying—[Laughter.] I was tempted to scare the House by saying, “Having concluded my opening remarks,” but I think I had better not.
If I may, I will address directly the Minister on the Treasury Bench, the hon. Member for Coventry East (Mary Creagh). I want to do so sincerely, because I like and admire her enormously, and I hope she knows that. She will know that a vast number of her colleagues on the Benches behind her and elsewhere support the general thrust of the Bill and are looking for a generous response from the Government, both to avoid having to divide the House and, more importantly, to make progress on these issues, which I know full well she holds close to her heart. I say to her—not in the spirit of any sort of ransom or blackmail—that how the Government respond to this debate will, in many ways, shape and sculpt how those of us who support the Bill respond in kind.
I will bring my remarks to a conclusion. Some have said that those who support the Bill are dangerous, Stalinistic, anti-farming land grabbers. I opened my speech by saying that I wanted to speak specifically to my fellow Conservatives, both in this place and across the country, where the siren voices of simplistic populism call to us and try to drag us on to the rocks that we would be well advised to avoid. Let me close with the words of a dangerous left-wing activist:
“It is mankind and his activities which are changing the environment of our planet in damaging and dangerous ways…We must use science to cast a light ahead”.
The same dangerous leftie said:
“But the threat to our world comes not only from tyrants and their tanks”—
appropriate, given the statement we have just had—
“It can be more insidious though less visible. The danger of global warming is as yet unseen, but real enough for us to make changes and sacrifices, so that we do not live at the expense of future generations…We must remember our duty to Nature before it is too late.”
Which radical Stalinist am I quoting? From which Guardian-writing journalist am I purloining phrases? Well, it is that dangerous leftie herself: Margaret Thatcher. The first quote is from her United Nations speech in 1989; her views, and the views of my party, are formed by science and the facts, with her basic university training at Somerville College, Oxford. The second quote was from the second world climate conference, after she had left office in 1990. I say to Conservatives today that we would still be well advised to heed her caution, her advice and her words.
I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Bill and on this very important subject. I pay tribute to the hon. Member for South Cotswolds (Dr Savage) for her passionate speech and for giving us all an opportunity to discuss this subject. I also welcome the contribution from the hon. Member for North Dorset (Simon Hoare). It has been very good so far to see so much consensus across the House on this issue.
Having campaigned on climate change before entering this place, and serving a constituency where so many people care about this issue, I know how vital it is that we take bold action to protect our planet. The science is clear: last year was the warmest year on record and the first to exceed 1.5°C of warming above pre-industrial levels, and we have seen a shocking 73% decline in average wildlife population sizes globally since 1970. I believe this Government know how important it is to move rapidly to tackle these crises. In the context of the Bill, I will highlight some of the measures the Government have taken in their first six months that I welcome.
The establishment of Great British Energy will help deliver green, clean energy and improve our energy security. The nine-year onshore wind ban was lifted in just 72 hours of our coming into office. We have confirmed that we will ban fracking. As a proud Co-operative and Labour MP, I welcome the commitment to community energy. This type of leadership is not new from Labour. As has been mentioned, the last Labour Government led the way in passing the Climate Change Act, establishing a legal requirement for the UK to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
Of course, we are here to discuss nature as well. As climate affects nature, so nature affects climate. I particularly welcome the Water (Special Measures) Bill, which will help clean up our rivers, lakes and seas. I want to talk about two aspects locally. I hope hon. Members will forgive me—as many Members from Norfolk are here they may have heard some of this before. I will then turn to global aspects. Many of the Bill’s measures will benefit my constituency of Norwich North and the county of Norfolk. That is vital because Norfolk is on the frontline of climate change. As the Norwich Climate Commission has set out, Norfolk has been identified as the dryest region of England because of climate change, agricultural irrigation demands and population growth.
Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. It is a pleasure to speak on behalf of His Majesty’s official Opposition, and I congratulate the hon. Member for South Cotswolds (Dr Savage) on bringing this private Member’s Bill before the House today.
The Conservative and Unionist party has a record of which we should be incredibly proud when it comes to protecting our environment. We were the first major economy to halve our carbon emissions. We stopped the burning of coal for electricity. We built the first, second, third, fourth and fifth largest offshore wind farms in the world, which are generating power for the United Kingdom right now. And we introduced the world-leading contracts for difference process, blending the Conservative principles of competition and enterprise.
As referenced by my hon. Friend the Member for North Dorset (Simon Hoare)—and he is a friend—Margaret Thatcher, who became the leader of our party 50 years ago next month, was famously the first world leader to raise the issue of climate change on the global stage. She warned the United Nations General Assembly in 1989 of the “insidious danger” that climate change posed through
“the prospect of irretrievable damage to the atmosphere, to the oceans, to earth itself.”
I know that right hon. and hon. Members across the House will agree that, as in almost every other case, she was absolutely right.
We have seen extreme weather patterns across the globe, indicating the severity of the challenge facing the world in the 21st century. Alongside our global partners, we must embrace technology, build new nuclear, reduce waste and enhance efficiency to bring down bills for households, consumers and industry in a way that allows us to protect nature, conserve our landscapes and leave the climate in a better state for generations to come.
The hon. Gentleman will of course also congratulate the Labour Government before 2010 and the Liberal Democrat coalition on their good work, and it is important, in the spirit of consensus, to do that. However, does he agree that one important issue that is always missing from the debate about climate is national security? If we can be self-sufficient in our energy supplies, that will be really important for our national security. We never talk about that issue in the context of climate, but I am sure the hon. Gentleman, as a Conservative, will agree.
I could not agree more with the hon. Member; in fact, it is quite nice to hear the Liberal Democrats acknowledge that they were actually part of the Government over the last 14 years—they do not always choose to do so. As to the point about national security and energy security, that is why I am so concerned about the Labour Government’s plans for our offshore oil and gas industry. Why would we want to rely more on imports, as the Government will, should they go ahead and accelerate the decline in the North sea? However, I am sure we will continue to have that debate as we move forward.
If this private Member’s Bill contained measures to ensure a pragmatic and proportionate response to climate change, with households and bill payers at its core, and defended our British wildlife, nature and countryside, I am sure we would all support its aims and ambitions. Indeed, colleagues and friends who support it do so with the admirable, and indeed laudable, intention of seeing the United Kingdom protect the environment, and it is not that ambition with which we take umbrage. However, it is clear that we should not support the damaging measures the Bill would require. If it became law, it would damage our country, our prosperity, the lives of individuals and industries across the United Kingdom.
I wonder where the shadow Minister was when the hon. Member for North Dorset (Simon Hoare) said, just 15 minutes ago, that this is not an either/or between prosperity and protecting nature and the climate.
I was actually right here on the Front Bench listening to my hon. Friend, and I agreed with a lot of what he said. However, we are here to debate the contents of the Bill and to decide whether they are something we should support, and I am afraid—to break with the consensus that has been expressed across the House this morning—that we cannot.
The Bill would undermine the power of this Parliament and its democratically elected Members and would bind their hands. As the Bill suggests, the Secretary of State would be duty-bound to act as directed by an unelected body. A world with a cleaner climate and with thriving nature and wildlife is one we all aspire to; it is the core belief of Conservativism that we should seek to leave the country and the world in a better place than that in which we found them, for both our children and our grandchildren. But I am afraid that this Bill would not do that.
In government, we aspired to be a world leader in the energy sector and to embrace a new energy mix that would reduce our carbon footprint, and that is what we did. We should want to pave the way for other nations, but it should be a path that they would actually want to follow. If the Bill means green levies, soaring bills, the highest electricity prices in the world, boiler taxes, job losses, and rejecting our ability to produce fuel domestically, while increasing imports from abroad and generating lower tax revenues as a result, nobody will follow this path.
Just last week, a report by the Institute and Faculty of Actuaries—we know that by their very nature, actuaries are cautious people—stated that if we continue on our current path, a plausible worst case is that global GDP will collapse by 50% between 2070 and 2090, and that 4 billion lives could be lost by 2050. That is an unimaginable future. Does the shadow Minister agree that the cost of doing nothing will be way more than the cost of acting now?
As I have tried to explain, not just to the hon. Lady but to the House, we have not done nothing. We led the world in so many ways—halving emissions faster than any other G7 nation, building at speed some of the biggest renewable offshore wind farms in the world, which are generating power for the United Kingdom right now, and ending the use of coal for electricity production. No other country has a record that comes close to matching the United Kingdom’s. This is not a case of doing nothing; it is about doing things in a sensible way that does not impose further bills or costs on British bill payers.
I recently visited a pioneering company in Epsom and Ewell called Sunswap. Its zero emission technology for refrigerated transport is enabling the transition from polluting diesel to solar power. Does the hon. Member agree that such innovation thrives in times of challenge and drives economic growth?
Absolutely. That is one reason why I am so proud of the contracts for difference scheme, which over our time in government supported emerging and developing technologies to ensure that we get the transition right to the tune of billions of pounds.
The hon. Gentleman spoke of the need to focus on the provisions of the Bill, so will he outline which provisions he is opposed to? Is it net zero ambitions, increasing net biodiversity, or developing a nature and biodiversity plan?
If the hon. Gentleman would have some patience, I am about to turn to the exact provisions that we take issue with.
The Bill states that it is
“to require the United Kingdom to achieve climate and nature targets”
and it calls for an immediate end to exploration, extraction and—crucially—imports of fossil fuels. That would involve not only laying off hundreds of thousands of workers and undermining our energy security, but shutting down our chemicals industry and putting at risk our ability to keep the lights on. The Bill would impose a duty on the Secretary of State to publish annual targets and bind the Secretary of State to take to take “all reasonable steps” to achieve them. As we have seen, setting arbitrary legally binding targets with no plan for how to achieve them is a mistake.
The Bill would also establish a climate and nature assembly to direct the Secretary of State’s strategy—a body that the Secretary of State would be legally bound to follow if any of the measures it proposed had the support of 66% of its members. Those members would be unelected and unaccountable, unlike Members of this House. That is not how decisions are made in this country, and it is not how decisions should be made. Laws and decisions are taken in this country by this Parliament, and are introduced mostly by the Government, who command a majority in this House. The Government are held to account in this House by elected Members, and we in turn are held to account by our constituents. We cannot outsource our responsibilities to an unelected, unaccountable and remote institution.
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Norfolk is also at substantial risk of flooding, which is only exacerbated by climate change. To compound the challenge, Norfolk has part of the fastest eroding coastline in north-west Europe. A recent report by Norfolk county council spells out the challenge posed by coastal erosion, including the prediction of possible sea level rises of up to 1.15 metres by the end of the century. My constituency neighbour, the hon. Member for North Norfolk (Steff Aquarone) is not in his place, but it is estimated that approximately 1,030 residential and commercial properties could be lost to erosion by 2105 solely in his constituency.
Climate change has a keenly felt impact on our area, as it does across the country and the world. The nature crisis will also have a hugely detrimental effect. I am sure that many Members have visited the broads—I know that many people have boats there. It is one of the jewels of our county and of our country, as a national park of which we can all be proud. I am proud that my constituency includes parts of it. But recently, the Broads Authority has declared a biodiversity emergency, warning of the need for urgent action to protect wildlife from the impacts of climate change and pollution. The broads has been losing species at a rate of six per decade in the past 50 years. Vital to addressing this decline is better land and water management and adaptation measures. I hope that the Minister will touch on that in her response. I would very much welcome a visit from the Minister to see the broads for herself, though I am sure she has already visited.
We have many challenges in Norfolk, but Norfolk is a key part of the solution. Some 60% of offshore wind energy in the UK is already generated in the east of England, making it an important centre of clean energy. There is even more potential in our region that I know this Government are serious about maximising, in relation not only to our climate change targets but to delivering jobs and growth for our area.
There are 640,000 green jobs in the UK, and they are growing four times faster than overall UK employment. That is a big, exciting opportunity for areas such as mine, especially for young people, many of whom cannot get jobs or do not feel they have got the skills, as was touched on in the statement. It is vital to invest in skills. As the east of England all-party parliamentary group set out, 1.2 million jobs will be needed in the low-carbon and renewable energy sector in England by 2050, and 10% of those are expected to be in the east.
I also want to reference the huge expertise and knowledge in Norwich. I recognise how many scientists contributed to the development of the Bill. We have the Tyndall Centre for Climate Change Research, which has nearly 100 members ranging from PhD researchers to professors. At the Norwich research park we have many fantastic companies working on this agenda. Alora, which I visited recently, is literally growing rice on the surface of the ocean, helping tackle global hunger. Last year, I visited Wendling Beck—hon. Members are getting a tour of Norfolk—in the constituency of the hon. Member for Mid Norfolk (George Freeman). It is one of the most ambitious nature recovery projects in England, reversing biodiversity loss locally, inspiring climate action and building a sustainable and resilient landscape legacy. We need to maximise all the innovation that we have in the UK to deliver on the dual challenge of the nature and climate crises.
As my hon. Friend the Member for Norwich South (Clive Lewis), who is no longer in his place unfortunately, did not give way to me, I will make the point now that Norwich is also home to a large financial services sector, including Aviva in his constituency. It is a key leader in sustainability. We have not spoken much about the role of business in this agenda, and indeed in the Bill, but it is vital. I welcome the fact that the Government are already accelerating plans to make us the green finance capital of the world, mandating UK-regulated financial institutions and FTSE 100 companies to develop and implement credible plans that align with the 1.5° goal of the Paris agreement.
My hon. Friend the Member for Norwich South mentioned airports, of which I am sure there will be much discussion in the months ahead. Norwich airport in my constituency not only provides jobs but is a centre of green aviation excellence. There are important opportunities to ensure that we develop the future of aviation in line with our climate commitments.
I turn to the international aspects of the biodiversity and climate crisis. As I say, before joining this place I was a campaigner working on a range of issues, including climate change. In that role, I was privileged to meet many young activists from around the world who know that their future is at stake, as well as many people on the frontline of climate change, like Hindou Ibrahim, an environmental activist and leader from Chad who has championed the indispensable role that indigenous people and solutions play in this agenda. I am sure that we could mention many examples of similar legislation around the world, even if it is not exactly the same. It is really important to draw on local knowledge. I hope that all those people would be pleased to see the cross-party consensus on the issue in this House and the commitment to bold action, even if we may disagree on some of the specific ways to get there.
This Labour Government are restoring British credibility on the world stage, and a huge part of that is about climate change. That is much needed: as we see countries turning away from the Paris agreement, it is even more vital that we reaffirm our commitment to global treaties. I welcome the launch of the global clean power alliance, which brings 12 countries together to turbocharge the roll-out of clean energy and drive green jobs and investment at home. At COP29, the Prime Minister announced a new climate goal to reduce carbon emissions by 81% by 2035. Importantly, he called on other countries to match that ambition, because none of us can do this alone.
As this debate has focused on the relationship between climate change and biodiversity, it must also be noted that the UK is resolutely focused on delivering the target to halt and reverse biodiversity loss by 2030. I welcome commitments such as the £10 million announced for the global biodiversity framework fund.
The last campaign that I worked on was on food and hunger. As WWF has highlighted, the leading driver of habitat loss is a broken food system. I urge the Government to outline what we are doing to tackle that, and to confirm that we are committed to tackling food security alongside climate and nature action.
Finally, I turn to public opinion. The Bill refers to a citizens’ assembly. As a councillor, I saw the benefit of local citizens’ assemblies. There is a question about the best mechanism to do them nationally; whatever happens with the Bill, I hope that we can continue that important conversation. I know how many people in Norwich are passionate about tackling climate change. When I have spoken at local schools, it is one of the topics that children raise with me, as I am sure they do with many hon. Members, because this is their future. We have many local groups, from Friends of the Earth to Norfolk Wildlife Trust. Climate also comes up on the doorstep—sometimes positively, sometimes negatively, but at least it is a conversation that we are having.
I know that this matters, this Government know that it matters and there is widespread public support, but there is so much more to do. We need to move as fast as we can to address the issues. My hon. Friend the Member for Norwich South spoke about the importance of growth and what it looks like. For me, good, sustainable growth and climate and nature commitments are not mutually exclusive. We can build millions more homes and protect our natural resources and biodiversity, and we can create infrastructure that limits damage to our ecosystems and conserves energy.
I want to be clear that I fully back action to tackle the dual nature and climate crises. I believe that the Government are also clear in their commitment to doing so and on the importance of joined-up action and embedding the agenda across Government. I welcome the bold plans already set out to make Britain a clean energy superpower, to deliver green growth, to protect our natural environment and to lead internationally.
It is now important that we focus on delivery. I can see from today’s debate and from so many other debates that we have had in this House that there are many Back Benchers who are ready to hold the Government to account on their promises. Whatever happens with the Bill, I hope that we can maintain the cross-party working and spirit of collaboration as we move forward.
I, too, will finish with a quote—not from Margaret Thatcher, but from the UN Secretary-General. At the start of this year, he said:
“This is climate breakdown—in real time. We must exit this road to ruin—and we have no time to lose.”
I fully agree. As the Secretary-General says, we have seen hope power change. I believe that hope powered the change in Government last July. Many people were hopeful that we would see a step change in this important agenda. I am hopeful that we have a Government who are fully committed to tackling climate change and protecting our planet.