I am deeply privileged to be opening this debate in the middle of national Baby Loss Awareness Week, and in advance of the international “wave of light” on Wednesday. I want to start by welcoming the bereaved families who have joined us in the Galleries, and particularly for doing so at such a late hour: they have shown fantastic stamina in sitting through some fascinating business. I know that a number are also watching online. I have no doubt this will, for many of us, be an emotive debate that will bring back many memories, so I say this to those in the Galleries: I am grateful for your courage in joining us, and your presence lifts this whole debate and this whole day. I know that for many of you, your story is one of being let down by the system. While today cannot undo that, I hope that this national spotlight on what you have experienced, and our shared commitment to fundamental change, will be of some comfort. I also thank everyone in the Chamber for their attendance today, and for the cross-party support that the debate has received.
This is a personal topic for me and for my family. Our daughter Mallorie was born in 2015 with Edwards’ syndrome, a condition that we were told was not compatible with life; yet she lived for five days, and died in my arms. Those days were both the hardest of our lives and the time that we value most. We spent those days in the butterfly suite, a bereavement room funded by the local baby loss charity Friends of Serenity. Throughout that time, we received amazing support from the maternity team at Burnley hospital. I want to take this opportunity to thank, once again, all the team at Burnley, and to recognise the amazing work that baby loss charities do throughout the UK.
The years since Mallorie’s death have been challenging. The impacts of losing a child do not end after a week or a month or a year; they stay with us. My wife, Vanessa, suffered depression and post-traumatic stress disorder following Mallorie’s death, and has never been able to fully recover and return to her work as a health visitor. For 10 years she has had consistent difficulties in accessing sustained specialist mental health support, instead being bounced between short-term interventions and generalists. Her NHS career has now been terminated on grounds of ill health, and she is back on a five-month waiting list for therapy. Yet we count ourselves among the lucky ones. We had as good a hospital experience as we could have had in the circumstances, and time to prepare for what we knew was an inevitable outcome. We did not leave feeling that more could have been done, or that we had been let down; we felt listened to and supported in the weeks that followed.
Sadly, however, as we will hear today, far, far too many families have had the very opposite of that experience. We will hear heartbreaking accounts of babies who should not have died, of families’ concerns being belittled and ignored, of practices that fall well below any acceptable standard, and of institutional cultures of denial and cover-up. I believe that as we reach the end of today’s debate, no one will be in any doubt that addressing the long-term systemic failings in maternity care once and for all must be an imperative for this Government.
It is a great privilege to follow the hon. Member for Rossendale and Darwen (Andy MacNae). I thank him for working with me and the hon. Member for Sherwood Forest (Michelle Welsh) to secure the debate, and I thank my many colleagues on the all-party parliamentary group on patient safety. I would also like to thank the Secretary of State for Health and Social Care, the right hon. Member for Ilford North (Wes Streeting), for being here himself today. It means an enormous amount to families up and down the country to see that commitment from him. I know it is an issue in which he has taken enormous personal interest.
I think the most difficult meeting I had when I was doing his job many years ago was with a man called Carl Hendrickson, who came to see me a few days before I stood at that Dispatch Box to give the statement on the Morecambe Bay inquiry. Carl lost both his wife and his son at Morecambe Bay NHS Foundation Trust. A midwife mistook some fitting by his wife as just fainting. His wife died an hour later from an embolism. The next day, his son Chester died from brain damage. He came to see me with his 11-year-old son, Conrad. I will never forget it, because it was obviously going to be a very difficult meeting and I asked him whether he would like his son to sit outside with some of the civil servants while we discussed what happened. He said no, because he wanted his son to know, for the rest of his life, that he had taken his concerns about what went wrong right to the very top and asked awkward questions. And that was what he did.
I owe a great debt to the Morecambe Bay families: to Carl and to Simon Davey, Liza Brady, James Titcombe and many others. The American thinker Margaret Mead had a saying:
“Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful committed individuals can change the world; indeed, it’s the only thing that ever has.”
For me, those Morecambe Bay families were that small group of thoughtful, committed people, along with the families from Mid Staffs, Shrewsbury and Telford, East Kent, Nottingham and many other places.
As a harmed mother from Nottinghamshire, I gave birth to my son by emergency C-section because health professionals treated me with utter contempt, ignored me and did not do as they should, and then said it was all my fault. My son was not put in my arms when he was born; instead, he was rushed over to a consultant to start him breathing. While I wish I had time to share the details of what happened in the Chamber so that others can understand the severity of a failing system, time does not permit me.
To those who have lost a baby, we know that when the world says, “I’m sorry for your loss”, it sounds thin and distant, because what was lost was not just a child. Families have lost first breaths, first steps, first days of school, and a lifetime of “I love you.” They have lost hope.
We must stop whispering about baby loss in the shadows. We must speak about the preventable errors, missed opportunities and systemic failures in our maternity services that have turned dreams into dust. Grief is a fact, but these failures are not inevitable. For too long the grief of affected families has been treated as a private sorrow and an isolated tragedy, but let me be clear: these are not isolated incidents. The heartbreak and loss are a consequence of a system that is failing, where warnings are missed, staffing is insufficient, preventable errors steal precious futures, tragedies are swept under the carpet and families have to fight for answers.
We have heard the data and read the reports, and we have shared our devastating stories. We know the truth: maternity services are fundamentally broken and our babies are paying the price. I am not asking for a miracle, but I am demanding competence, safety and accountability, and a country where every mother who walks into a delivery room knows that she is in the safest hands possible and that her baby will be protected. Our children deserve that safety, and the children yet to come deserve it too.
I thank my hon. Friend for making such a moving speech; she is an inspirational mum, raising awareness of this. If she will allow, I will raise the case of Hayley Patrick-Copeland, a bereaved mum who has been raising awareness of baby loss and putting in place support for bereaved parents. If I may, I will also put on the record in this place, for centuries to come, the names of her children, Alya and Aleah, whom she lost. Will my hon. Friend join me in remembering them, and in commending Hayley for her inspirational work, just like my hon. Friend’s, raising awareness of baby loss?
I thank my hon. Friend; that was an important thing to say.
I was so pleased when the Secretary of State for Health and Social Care announced a rapid review of maternity services, which I believe he did to ensure that we get on with fixing the problems that we know are there—for example, with continuity of care—as soon as possible. It is vital that we take families with us and ensure that they are listened to and treated with respect. Let us not waste this real opportunity to change the systems that have been harming families for far too long.
The final key aspect that I would like to address is the need for true accountability. Too often, negligence leads to loss; the failures are there for everyone to see. I ask those who have recently called for a reduction in accountability this: how can accountability be reduced to improve maternity services when it is not even there? I am not talking about hounding midwives and obstetricians, but if someone makes a mistake again and again, as we saw in Nottinghamshire, families have to fight for the truth. Mothers leave hospital having been made to think that they were at fault. There has to be accountability. We need accountability and support to allow midwives to become great. Families should be clear about the process, which should work with them, so that they get answers and the truth without having to fight for them.
My hon. Friend is making an excellent speech and is a great advocate on this subject. I am sure she knows about the MBRRACE-UK—Mothers and Babies: Reducing Risk through Audits and Confidential Enquiries across the UK—data; it shows mortality rates across the country. Like Nottinghamshire, Leeds has high mortality rates—in fact, they are the highest in the UK and 70% higher than the average. Those preventable baby losses are not an accident or a statistical mistake. Does she agree that the leadership of hospital trusts with such high rates need to take accountability and fix them? This is not an issue for individual maternity units; this should be taken on by the chief executive and those at the highest level in teaching hospitals.
I absolutely agree; if we had that approach in Nottinghamshire, the story would have been very different.
This starts with us building a culture that allows people to say, “This went wrong, and this is why. I made a mistake, and I am sorry. It’s time to fix it.” We cannot accept any more maternity scandals in this country. Of course, there will be times when nothing more can be done, through nobody’s fault, but in instances where mistakes were made, clinicians need to come forward. How do we learn from mistakes if they are never identified?
Regulators such as the Care Quality Commission, the Nursing and Midwifery Council and the General Medical Council need to step up. The evidence is there for all to see in Nottinghamshire: the NMC failed, the GMC failed and the CQC failed. All those organisations were informed over and over again about what was happening in Nottingham, and nothing was done—not one thing. To this day, no one has been held accountable.
I welcome the Government’s decision to publish a consultation on secondary legislation in order to modernise regulatory frameworks. I would be grateful to hear more about that. I ask the Government to involve bereaved and harmed families in the process, because regulation must work for families, and to work with organisations such as the Royal College of Midwives to ensure that clinicians are involved. In any reform and change, there must be balance.
It is time for this Labour Government to take action. What successive Governments have allowed to unfold in maternity care tells a devastating story about how little the lives and experience of women are valued. Those of us who were made to feel completely expendable at the most vulnerable moment in our life will know that to be only too true. In choosing how to respond, this Government have a powerful opportunity to send a decisive message about how they view and value women.
This Baby Loss Awareness Week, we honour those children who are loved and missed, and we recognise the parents, siblings, families and friends who carry their memories every day. Today, I want to emphasise just how vital it is that we see the quality of bereavement care standardised, and that this standard is mandated for every NHS trust and health board.
My constituents John and Holly Osman live in Wells with their two lively children, six-year-old twins named Alex and Amelia. It may surprise some of my constituents that I speak about John, as we do not share a political perspective. However, we share a life experience with each other, many of my constituents and, I understand, one in every two people in this country: the terrible loss of a pregnancy or the death of a baby. That experience transcends all political differences.
Some eight years ago, John and Holly lost their much loved twins, Logan and Lottie, five months into their pregnancy. Logan and Lottie’s lives were short. Logan was with them for 15 minutes and Lottie for 57 minutes. Holly, who is in the Gallery this evening, tells me that registering their births and deaths will remain one of the hardest things they have ever had to do.
John and Holly were lucky to receive excellent bereavement care from the team at the Royal United hospital at Bath, which in 2017 and 2018 was piloting the national bereavement care pathway. Being able to deliver in the forget me not suite, where they receive care from trained bereavement midwives and spent two days with their babies making memories, is something they say they probably did not realise how much they needed then, but that they cherish deeply now.
As Holly highlights, the power of compassionate, skilled bereavement care cannot be overstated. It helps parents begin to process trauma, to create memories and to honour a life, however short. That care does not erase loss, but it brings dignity, acknowledgement and a foundation for healing. The care that parents receive in those heartbreaking moments stays with them forever. No one can turn back the clock, but we can make a difference through having compassion, understanding and better care.
I welcome this important debate, and I thank my hon. Friends the Members for Sherwood Forest (Michelle Welsh) and for Rossendale and Darwen (Andy MacNae), and the right hon. Member for Godalming and Ash (Sir Jeremy Hunt), for bringing to the House, during Baby Loss Awareness Week, this debate on a grief that touches thousands, who often grieve in silence.
I will use this debate to call for a UK-wide perinatal death reduction programme, and will talk about foetal growth restriction monitoring. I am really glad that the Secretary of State for Health is in the Chamber; that shows his commitment. This debate is well timed to inform the rapid review of maternity and neonatal safety in England.
For many, baby loss is invisible and misunderstood. This week breaks that silence, honours lives cut short and stands with families who carry their babies’ memory every day. Like other Members, I pay tribute to charities like Sands, Tommy’s and the Miscarriage Association. Their work must be supported and recognised.
I speak with a heavy heart to share the story of Maia Devlin Corfield, a beautiful baby girl who should be here today. Her parents Sherena and Jack came to my advice surgery to tell me about Maia’s stillbirth at Kingston hospital. Though Sherena’s pregnancy was low risk, Maia showed signs of growth restriction. Staff reassured Sherena but failed to act. Maia was born still on 29 November 2024. The autopsy showed she was healthy, but died due to a placental condition that halted her growth and breathing.
Babies with growth issues like Maia are eight times more likely to die, and it was Kingston’s foetal growth monitoring system that failed her. It diverged from national standards and, despite early warnings, many unsafe practices like that remain. The Government’s own maternity and neonatal safety investigation into Maia’s death made nine recommendations, yet risks still persist and are not listened to. Sherena and Jack often feel that they are not being listened to, but bereaved parents need to be heard because by listening to them, we can identify those areas that need to change. It is that culture and the regulation and standards that all need to work together to see real change.
I pay tribute to the hon. Members for Sherwood Forest (Michelle Welsh) and for Rossendale and Darwen (Andy MacNae) and to my right hon. Friend the Member for Godalming and Ash (Sir Jeremy Hunt) both for bringing this debate during Baby Loss Awareness Week and the incredibly thoughtful and moving contributions they have already made to the House. I suspect we will see this House at its best this evening, debating in a measured but passionate way something of huge importance to so many of our constituents.
I welcome to the Public Gallery those family members who have stayed until this late hour because this matters so much to them. I pay tribute to Bliss, Sands and other charities that do so much in this space. It has been a privilege for me to meet, and read correspondence from, constituents of mine who have been affected by baby loss. I have to say, they have carried themselves with the most incredible dignity given what they have been through. I am very conscious that it is something that they will never get over.
I will not use surnames as I have not sought permission, but some families have given me the name of the baby they lost, and I want to place those names on the record, because it matters: baby Wynter, baby Harry and baby Ciara-Mae. I know that they will always be their parents’ baby. It is important that we remember that. I hope to do them justice.
The hon. Member for Sherwood Forest spoke with incredible eloquence when she said that it is about not just mourning the past but fighting for the future. She sums up what this debate must be about if it is about anything. We have seen progress, but it is sadly not enough. As my right hon. Friend the Member for Godalming and Ash mentioned, that progress has apparently plateaued since the pandemic. We still see terrible inequality of outcomes across different groups in our society.
Sadly, giving birth is not risk-free, but by no means are all those baby losses inevitable—many are avoidable. We need to ensure that we do all we can to reduce that risk. When something goes wrong, as sadly it has on too many occasions, families deserve transparency, openness and a fight for improvement. They need to be believed and listened to. We have seen problems in Morecambe Bay, Telford, East Kent, Nottingham—I could go on. Let me focus briefly on Nottingham—as a Leicestershire MP, many of my constituents will have been affected. Donna Ockenden’s work is very welcome; she has built extraordinary trust with the families and those who have been failed. I also welcome the national review that the Secretary of State has put in place, and the work being done by the noble Baroness Amos. I know that the Secretary of State knows this, but I gently say to him that there are different views among the families, and I encourage him and the review team to continue taking the families with them, to work with them at each stage, and to listen to them.
9:53 pm
20 of 102 shown
Let me start by detailing the extent of this challenge. Tragically, 13 babies die shortly before, during or soon after birth every day. Every day, 13 mothers know the immense grief of losing a child they were expecting to welcome into their lives. In 2023, there were 4,478 baby deaths in total. Some 1,933 of these were neonatal deaths, while 2,545 were stillbirths, with the cause of one third of those stillbirths still unknown. More broadly, ectopic pregnancy affects one in 80, while 240 infants die every year from sudden unexplained death syndrome, and evidence suggests that one in six pregnancies in the UK ends in miscarriage.
Crucially, these family tragedies are not shared equally throughout society; ethnic minorities and those living in deprivation are far more likely to experience this loss. This has been known for 70 years, yet little action has been taken to address it. Even in 2023, black babies were over twice as likely to be stillborn compared with white babies, while neonatal mortality rates among black and Asian babies were over one and a half times higher than the rate among white babies. Similarly, babies born to mothers living in the most deprived areas are twice as likely to die shortly after birth than those in the least deprived areas. This profound inequality must be rooted out.
These deaths occur amid a pattern of poor culture and practice in too many of our maternity wards and trusts. In its 2022 to 2024 review, the Care Quality Commission found that only 35% of maternity units were rated as “good” for safety. No units were found to be “outstanding”, and 65% were rated “inadequate” or “requires improvement”. Behind these figures lies a litany of family tragedy. In response, there has been no shortage of inquiries. Over the last 10 years, we have seen reviews or investigations into care in East Kent, Morecambe Bay, and Shrewsbury and Telford, as well as the ongoing review in Nottingham. These have revealed much and made many recommendations, yet change has not come and the cycle of failure has continued.
It is in this context that the Government have rightly decided to launch a national investigation—a systematic and urgent national review of maternity services. This is an opportunity that we must grasp, and we have a Secretary of State who I believe truly understands the urgency and importance of making it count. We have the investigation being led by a chair of the highest reputation, we have a commitment to a taskforce to deliver on recommendations, and we have many colleagues in this place who are determined to make sure that the voices of families are heard and acted on.
We must get this right, so before I hand over to colleagues, I would like to make four key asks. First, the investigation must provide clear and binding steps to achieve national change in maternity care, particularly to tackle the inequality of outcomes that is dependent on the race or wealth of the mother. To this end, the investigation must set out clear, consistent approaches to safety across all maternity units in England, which means unequivocally defining “safety”—amazingly, there is no shared definition of “safety” across maternity services. The inquiry must identify the reasons why past recommendations have not been implemented or resulted in change. It must be willing to address any embedded cultural, structural or governance factors that undermine quality, safety and accountability. When the investigation reports and the taskforce releases its action plan, the Government must fully resource the delivery and ensure there is robust monitoring and real accountability.
Secondly, it is crucial that the Government set new national maternity safety ambitions. In 2015, the then Government announced ambitions to halve relative rates of stillbirth, neonatal deaths, maternal deaths and brain injuries by 2025. Alongside that, they also announced an ambition to reduce preterm births from 8% to 6%. Those ambitions are due to expire and, in any case, were never on track to being met. It is a stark reminder of how important this issue is that 2,500 fewer babies would have died if the targets had been reached.
The UK’s baby death rate is still considerably worse than those of the best-performing countries in Europe. To match those countries, Sands and Tommy’s have proposed new ambitions, with an end date of 2035 to align with the NHS 10-year plan. I apologise for the list, but they include a stillbirth rate of two per 1,000 total births; a neonatal mortality rate of 0.5 per 1,000 live births for babies born at 24 weeks’ gestation and over; a preterm birth rate of 6%, with disaggregated data for iatrogenic and spontaneous preterm births; and eliminating inequalities in these outcomes based on ethnicity and deprivation.
The Government’s commitment to close the black and Asian maternal mortality gap is welcome, but it must explicitly include closing the black and Asian stillbirth and neonatal mortality gaps. Establishing routine data collection on miscarriages should be prioritised. Once that is established, an ambition to reduce the miscarriage rate should be added. I urge the Government to be ambitious, and to implement these new targets, which will help to guide and inform the improvements that will be made in services in the years to come.
Thirdly, we must urgently improve bereavement care for parents in hospitals and the mental health support they receive after discharge. Losing a child is devastating, and compassionate care, both immediately and in the long term, is vital to processing grief. The national bereavement care pathway aims to standardise bereavement care, and states that this should be given by trained staff, with dedicated grieving spaces provided, opportunities for parents to have meaningful moments with their baby offered and referrals for further support made.
Since its 2017 launch, NHS trusts have gradually adopted the pathway, with full coverage achieved in 2024. However, voluntary uptake and a lack of ringfenced funding have led to highly inconsistent implementation, and sometimes it is entirely lacking. A bereaved mother described the hospital support she received as:
“Terrible. No aftercare whatsoever. I felt abandoned. My mental health spiralled due to lack of support and not knowing where to get help… I left that hospital with a broken heart.”
Bereavement support must continue post discharge. I have described the challenges that my wife Vanessa has faced in accessing specialist support, and she is by no means alone. Sands’ 2025 report found that over 80% of bereaved parents needed specialist psychological support post discharge, yet despite the introduction of NHS maternal mental health services in England, only 17% of bereaved parents were actually able to access it.
We must also recognise the additional barriers that fathers and partners face in accessing support. Only 29% of services offered basic assessments to fathers in 2024, and those are often quite perfunctory. One father explained how he was assessed and recommended for psychological interventions and a referral to a clinic, yet the only support he actually received was a leaflet outlining local self-help groups. It is not good enough, and services must recognise that fathers and partners also grieve. So I urge the Government to issue clear standards and national guidance for commissioning specialist mental health support services for bereaved parents, including fathers and partners.
Support must also be given to healthcare professionals, who can themselves be impacted by baby deaths. Training remains inaccessible for many healthcare professionals, and staff often lack the time to attend sessions. Bereavement care training must be available during work hours, and overall we must ensure staff are equipped to support grieving families and to look after themselves.
Finally, I want to touch briefly on the role of regulators, most notably the Nursing and Midwifery Council. In an area as critical as maternity safety, an effective and accountable regulator is a crucial component, yet issues with the NMC are long term and well documented. As was noted in relation to the 2024 culture review of the organisation:
“Good nurses are finding themselves being investigated for years over minor issues and bad nurses are escaping sanction because of a system that’s not functioning as well as it should.”
Such failures can have tragic consequences. For instance, the NMC cleared a midwife who had been referred to it following the avoidable death of a baby in Morecambe Bay in 2008. In 2016, the same midwife was linked to the death of another baby, and subsequently dismissed by their trust for actions fundamentally below acceptable standards. This cannot continue, and if we are to deliver on our maternity safety ambitions, we need an effective, culturally healthy regulator. The NMC still has a long way to go until it could contribute in this way. The Government must continue to offer rigorous scrutiny, demanding accountability and ensuring that the NMC becomes the regulator that nurses and midwives, as well as the public as a whole, deserve.
To sum up, each year babies die who should not have died, every year mothers are failed and harmed, and every year parents experience profound loss without the support to deal with it. We cannot continue as we are. We have both an opportunity and an obligation to act. This Government have the chance to drive a change that will be felt in the lives of families for generations. To do this, we must deliver on the full potential of a national investigation. Clear, impactful and binding actions must address systemic weaknesses and embedded cultures. To ensure long-term focus, we must also adopt ambitious, measurable targets to align with the NHS 10-year plan.
These steps to reduce baby loss must come in tandem with a compassionate system of care for those who do experience loss despite our best efforts. To this end, the Government should issue national guidance on commissioning specialist mental health services for bereaved parents. Finally, the Government must ensure the sector has capable and accountable regulators to ensure that professional standards are maintained. Taken together, we can make what has been a story of national tragedy into one of national pride, delivering compassionate and exemplary care for women and babies when they need it most. This is the challenge and the opportunity before us, and we must not fall short.
As we reflect in this very sad and meaningful Baby Loss Awareness Week about what has gone wrong, it is also important to remember that progress has been made since then. Since the Morecambe Bay inquiry, the overall number of baby deaths is down by about 20%. That is about 700 fewer a year, or two fewer a day. The NHS is better than it was about being honest about mistakes. There have been a lot of reforms. We have a chief inspector of hospitals and a CQC that is set up to call a spade a spade when there is poor care. We have the duty of candour, which will be further strengthened by the new Hillsborough law. We have medical examiners, we have Martha’s rule and we have “freedom to speak up” guardians.
Despite those improvements, there are some warning signs. Since the pandemic, the decline in baby deaths has plateaued. The number of maternal deaths has actually increased. As the hon. Member for Rossendale and Darwen just said, there is big inequality. You are far more likely to die as a black or Asian mum. You are far more likely to die as a black or Asian baby, or a baby from a deprived background, than other babies. Still we have a third of NHS staff, according to the staff survey last year, saying that they are afraid to raise safety concerns, and half saying that they do not think anything will happen if they do.
The thing that is so important to remember—I have said this to the House on many occasions—is that if you are in a birthing unit and present at a C-section and something goes wrong, there is nothing as a professional that you want more than to be open, honest and transparent about what happened, so that lessons can be learned and you can make sure that mistake never happens again. But our system makes that practically impossible. We have the CQC, the NMC, the General Medical Council and the trust. Lawyers get involved and people worry. There is jeopardy for clinicians: that if they are honest and open about the ordinary human mistakes that anyone can make, they will be punished for it. The result is that the one thing that needs to happen more than anything else—truthfulness to the bereaved families and learning the lessons so that the tragedy is not repeated—can be the very thing that does not happen at all. Instead, we get a five-year legal process happening and the truth is not established for maybe five, six or seven years after that.
So what needs to happen to put it right? We all have our lists of things, and I echo absolutely everything that was said in the wonderful speech before mine. For me, first of all, it is absolutely essential that we get the CQC back on its feet. It went badly wrong, but under new leadership that the Secretary of State has put in place, I believe it is now going in absolutely the right direction. We must return to the one-word ratings so that parents and families know absolutely whether the care in their local hospital or NHS organisation is safe. That is really important.
Secondly, we have a litigation culture. At the moment we spend about £3.5 billion annually in maternity awards for where maternity care has gone wrong, which is not far off the £4 billion total cost of all NHS maternity units. It has gone so badly wrong that many parents think that when something goes wrong, their only friend is not a doctor but a lawyer—that cannot be right. We need to have much better accountability. The Government are rightly absolutely committed to bringing back family doctors. People having their own GP would make an enormous difference, because at the moment there is no one inside the NHS to turn to when these things go wrong, and going back to the system of everyone having their own GP could make a really big difference to that.
We need to support the work of brilliant charities such as Tommy’s, Sands, the Clinical Human Factors Group and Baby Lifeline in their contribution to making maternity care safer. We also need to tackle the dangerous culture of “normal” births, which still sees too many mothers steered away from getting a surgical intervention when that would be the safest route for them and their baby. Those are all important changes.
I would like to say one final thing, which is that we must not return to a targets culture. I have some concerns about the new NHS league tables. I know they are set up with the best of intentions, but safety and quality is not one of the factors that ensures a move up the list. I know the Secretary of State will take great care in the way that those are implemented, but I think it is really important that there is always a bottom line—a floor—on safety and quality below which the system never goes.
What I really want to say to the House, in conclusion, is that we must not lose hope. If we had the same levels of maternity safety as Sweden, one fewer baby would die every day; if we got to the same levels as Japan, two fewer babies would die every day. If we could get the NHS back on the trajectory it was on in the years leading up to the pandemic, we would be able to get to care as safe as Sweden’s in the next five or six years, so it really is something within our grasp.
I will finish by saying this. The NHS was set up on the premise of equality, and the idea that no matter who we are—whether we are rich or poor, young or old, from the north or the south, from the city or the country—everyone should be able to access the healthcare they need. Everyone means every baby, too. We talk about safety more than any other healthcare system in the world. In this very sad week, when we remember all the people who have lost their dear babies and their dear loved ones in the process of having babies, let us redouble our efforts to make the NHS the safest, highest-quality healthcare system in the world.
While we cannot bring back the precious babies we lost, we can honour their memory by ensuring that their fate is never repeated. We are not just mourning a past but fighting for a future where safety is guaranteed, where every mother is heard and where every birth is met with the excellence and dedication it deserves. Let the memory of the children we hold in our hearts be the light that guides our resolve. Let the stories be the steel in our spine. We pledge to them and ourselves that we will fix maternity services and build a legacy of safety so powerful that their short lives will forever protect the long lives of others, and we will do it for good.
I know from my own experience as a harmed mother in Nottinghamshire that speaking out and sharing what are potentially the most traumatic and personal experiences can be terrifying, and I want to commend those who have spoken out publicly and the hundreds of families who have spoken to me about their experiences. From talking to thousands of women and families, I have seen the recurring issues within our maternity services, including a culture of women not being listened to, a lack of accountability and situations where babies have died in the most horrendous circumstances and families are having to fight over and over again for answers and to relive the worst moments of their lives over and over again because the systems in this country are quite frankly broken.
I was the first elected member in Nottinghamshire to call for an independent review into maternity services at Nottingham University Hospitals NHS trust back in 2020. I am immensely grateful to the families, some of whom are in the Gallery today, who are leading the fight for change in Nottingham. We know that almost one in five stillbirths and neonatal deaths in this country could have been prevented through better care, yet the previous Government failed to act on this crisis, and families across the country have suffered immensely as a consequence. If I hear one more time that a previous Government Minister stood up and said that they were going to do it—well, they did not. They did not assign funding to it. They gave false promises to women and babies. We have a real opportunity under this Government to make maternity safer. Every woman deserves a birth experience where she feels heard, respected and, above all, safe.
Let me also be clear that this should never be an argument about natural versus surgical; it should be about what is the safest option for each woman. For too long the narrative has been poisoned by judgment. We have seen a damaging trend of labelling C-sections as a failure, a shortcut or a lesser way to give birth. The judgment is not just unfair but dangerous. The pressure created by this toxic conversation can sometimes push clinicians to delay necessary, lifesaving procedures or make women feel immense guilt for a safe outcome. Let us be clear that the safest birth is the most informed birth.
We must ensure that every woman has access to high-quality education regarding birth and feels confident asking critical questions about their care. We need to create a space where asking for help is seen not as a weakness but as a commitment to their wellbeing and their baby’s health. We must empower and support doctors, midwives and nurses, so that they can make decisions purely on medical necessity and safety—decisions that are free from dangerous judgments, including regarding C-sections. That requires us to have a workforce in place, so that clinicians can do their job, can make time for training, and, most importantly, once again have time to listen.
A key part of the conversation is continuity of care. We must ensure that midwives are given time to fully understand each woman’s needs and wants. By doing so, we can reduce the number of instances in which potentially life-threatening issues are missed and women fall through the cracks. Continuity of care can help address disparities in maternity care. When women—particularly black, Asian and minority women—see the same midwife throughout their pregnancy, they can build a relationship and ensure that their experience, culture and religious needs are considered. That creates a safer place for women to discuss sensitive issues and removes the frustration of having to repeat their story to numerous staff. If we can rebalance the conversations and culture around birth and put in place a system that allows for continuity of care, we can reduce the harm done to babies and families.
Continuity of care after birth will also be vital in reducing the incidence of death just after birth, which disproportionately affects babies born to mothers living in the most deprived areas of the UK; they are twice as likely to die in their first month as babies born to mothers in the least deprived areas. Change is so desperately needed. That is what families need, and what they are calling for. It is time to listen to the bereaved, and to harmed families, and to put them at the heart of any reforms.
It is possible to make change. Every day, I meet fantastic organisations run by people who have used their experience to fuel their work to change lives. They include Jo Cruse from Delivering Better, Sharon Luca from the Luca Foundation, Heidi Eldridge from the MAMA Academy, Laura Corcoran from Dignity Care Network, and Clo and Tinuke from Five X More. I could name so many more.
It is truly astonishing how many people across the country, from all corners of our society, from mothers to midwives, are working themselves to the bone to improve our maternity and bereavement services. They are all pushing for change for women and the babies of the future. This is no longer just a campaign; it is a movement, and if the Government and the NHS do not act now, they risk being left behind. We face many crises in our maternity services, and the only way through them is together. Families, midwifes, mothers, fathers, nurses, obstetricians, charities, decision makers and Members of Parliament must come together in this movement to fundamentally reshape our services, so that safe birth, continuity of care and accountability are at their centre.
All of us here are bound by a shared, heartbreaking truth: no parent should have to say goodbye before hello. Affected families deserve more than condolences. It is up to us in this Chamber to demand an end to the preventable failures, systemic neglect and outdated protocols that steal futures. Grief must become the engine of change. It is not enough to patch a broken system; we must rebuild it, stronger and safer than ever before, for every baby whose life was too short, for every family left shattered, and for every future family depending on us right now. Our task is clear. The time for analysis is over. The time for delay is over. I will not rest until our maternity services are fixed, permanently and profoundly.
We are fighting for a future in which safety is guaranteed, every mother is heard and every birth is met with the excellence and dedication it deserves. Let the memory of the children we hold in our hearts be the light that guides our resolve: baby Harriett, baby Teddy, baby Junior, Amaya, baby Winter, Maya, Dexter, Smokey, baby Ladybird and baby Coupa, the wonderful, kind and funny Ryan, and every baby and mother impacted and gone too soon. We must pledge to them and to ourselves that we will fix maternity services. We will build a legacy of safety so powerful that their short lives will forever protect the long lives of others, and we will do it for good.
It shocked me that 50% of bereaved parents reported that they were able to access the support they needed, but only 17% were able to do so through the NHS. I pay tribute to the NHS clinicians, midwives and support staff who deliver that care with tenderness and professionalism. Good care helps parents and families begin to navigate the painful journey of bereavement. Whether those NHS staff who engage with the bereaved family during this journey have received specialist bereavement training depends on where that care is being provided.
Poor care can deepen trauma. We know that bereavement leaves parents vulnerable to increased risk of developing mental health conditions. That is why it is essential that every bereaved parent in the UK has access to standardised high-quality bereavement support, including clear signposting, timely referrals and specialist mental health care when it is needed most.
Excellent bereavement care should not be a matter of luck or postcode. The national bereavement care pathway has finally been adopted voluntarily by every hospital offering maternity care in England, with the last trust having adopted it last year. However, in Scotland, the pathway has been mandated by Government. The difficulty with voluntary adoption is exactly that: it is voluntary, which means that the nine standards of care that comprise the bereavement care pathway are not national standards in England until they are mandated by the Department of Health and Social Care. I ask the Secretary of State to consider mandating the bereavement care pathway with immediate effect, so that families and friends can be reassured that care in the most difficult of circumstances will be exemplary.
To Lottie and Logan’s family and to the many others who have written to me, thank you for your courage in sharing the most personal of stories. Your love for your children and your determination to help other families is a gift to us all. We cannot take away the pain of loss, but we can ensure that no parent walks through it alone.
Freedom of information requests by Sherena and Jack have revealed that at least 27 trusts cannot properly identify babies with growth issues. The issue is that many hospitals use a global growth monitoring system that under-detects small babies in high-income countries like the UK because it uses data from across the world. Safer UK-developed systems based on NHS data do exist and are used by many units, but Maia was failed by outdated growth charts still in use at Kingston and St George’s and at many other hospitals. A key part of the system is those growth charts. Donald Peebles, NHS England’s clinical director for maternity, has confirmed that a national safety alert will soon advise trusts to stop using these intergrowth charts, but is there a system to track which hospitals still use them, and how can we update foetal growth monitoring systems urgently?
I have also talked to the chief nurse for the South West London integrated care board, who highlighted issues of midwife retention and recruitment and, in particular, maternity triage, which needs reform with a universal standard that would ensure consistency of safety and access—those early warning systems that failed Maia and are failing others. Just as we have a mental health investment standard, we should consider a similar maternity services standard as well.
I turn to the demands for change. The “Saving Babies’ Lives Care Bundle” published by NHS England in June 2023 outlines three key elements for foetal growth monitoring, but they are not consistently adopted and then monitored to ensure that they are implemented. There are too few of those deaths in each trust to rely on the trust to take the action; it has to be done at a national level. In fact, it has to be done across every nation—Northern Ireland, Scotland, Wales and England—otherwise there will be inconsistencies as there already are between the different nations. Will the Minister work with counterparts across the UK to ensure that no nation falls behind? Will the Minister meet Sherena and Jack to discuss how to improve maternity care and look at the findings they have? We owe it to Maia. We owe it to every family shattered by preventable baby loss to demand accountability, enforce standards and ensure that no parent is ever told that everything is fine when it is not.
Improvements are needed. My right hon. Friend the Member for Godalming and Ash mentioned the CQC and he was absolutely right to do so. We need to see continued transparent engagement by that review with the families. We need to see whether more can be done to consider the role of the independent regulators. It is important that we look at the support available for both parents when the worst happens and they are bereaved. We need to raise more awareness. I know that the Secretary of State knows that. The families I have spoken to speak well of him. I know him well; he is a decent man and cares deeply about this. I know that he is listening. The fact that a Secretary of State is on the Treasury Bench at this hour and will conclude the debate at around midnight is testament to his commitment—I wish him well in his work.
It behoves us all to continue to strive and do more to reduce the number of avoidable baby deaths and the pain the avoidable baby loss causes. Equally—I echo the words of my right hon. Friend the Member for Godalming and Ash—we must also focus on hope and progress, and on safety, accountability and what more we can do to ensure that a child coming into this world is not a moment of sadness and grief but a moment of joy. I wish the Secretary of State well in his work on that.